11 


13 781}, 


* TE py ex 
ὃ 


“Δ 
ΠῚ 
» 


\ 


eee 
Sg 


Peeweweewwe 


ΕΔ ΕΝ 


OF THE 


UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA. 


AT i Res, DH τὰ 


Digitized by the Internet Archive Ε 
in 2007 with funding from Ὁ 


My 


Microsoft Corporation 


Se 
eh mt ν᾽ ‘ Ὶ 


ΠΟΥ 
ἕ if 
oe * 
~ My 
al 
P F : 
- a - 
‘ δ ; Ἵ 
5 e 
τ 37 4 
> : Β 
Me i ’ 
a 
. 
~ 
ἣν & ® 
as r 
. * 
< - ~ » #t Me . * 
‘ rg i ad 
τὸ 3 : 
ΓΕ - 
᾿ ᾽ 


tp /www.archive.org/details/stageinatticthea00 


THE STAGE IN THE ATTIC THEATRE 
OF THE sinh CENTURY 
= ae i 


A Thesis presented at the University of Minnesota 
as a part of the work done for the degree 
of Doctor of Philosophy 


BY 


JOHN A. SANFORD, B. A. 


University Press of Minnesota 
MINNEAPOLIS 
1895 


LEBPABY 


7 OF THE 
Grater) 
M4 zreopeeF 


lahore τις 


INTRODUCTION 


THE PRINCIPAL THOUGHT in this thesis is contained in the third 
chapter, and it is this: that in the Greek theatre of the fifth 
century B. C. both actors and chorus stood in the orchestra. 
In establishing the truth of this thought the chorus is at all 
times a prominent element. It is, in fact, in great measure, the 
conduct of the chorus, and the relation that it sustains to the 
actors, that determine whether the actors as well as the chorus 
stood in the orchestra. It has seemed fitting, therefore, to 
devote the first chapter to tracing the development of the chorus 
from prehistoric times up to the time when it became an impor- 
tant element in the drama, and to devote the second chapter to 
describing the external characteristics of the chorus. 

Many statements are made in the first chapter without 
reference to the authoritidsiwhence they are derived. It may 
suffice to state here that the works that have been consulted 
and read in writing this chapter are the following: 

Homer: Iliad, Odyssey, Hymn to Apollo. 
Hesiod: Works and Days, Shield of Hercules. 
Herodotus: Historie. 


Aristotle: Problems, Ars Poetica. 
Catullus: Carmina. 


Muller: History Literature of Greece. : Sd 
Mure: History Literature of Greece. : ; 
Mahaffy: History Literature of Greece. U N I V Ἑ R SI τ Υ̓͂ ] 
Grote: History of Greece. ᾿ 


Smith: History of Greece. » Υ 
Jebb: Classical Greek Poetry. ᾿ς ΟΝ 

Moulton: The Ancient Classical Drama. 

Walford: Hand-book of the Greek Drama. 

Haigh: The Attic Theatre. 

In writing the second and third chapters there have been 
consulted and read, besides some of the works named above, 
the following works: 

Aischylus: Supplices, Persze, Seven Against Thebes, Prometheus Vinctus, 
Agamemnon, Choephori, Eumenides. 

Sophocles: Ajax, Antigone, Electra, CEdipus Tyrannus, CEdipus Coloneus, 
Philoctetes, Trachiniz. 

(3) 


4 INTRODUCTION 


Euripides: Alcestis, Medea, Hippolytus, Andromache, Heracleidz, Sup- 


plices, Hecuba. Hercules Furens, Ion, Troades, Helena, Iphigenia in Tauris, ἢ 
Electra, Orestes, Phoenissz, Iphigenia in Aulis, Bacche, Rhesus, Cyclops. 

Aristophanes: Acharnians, Knights, Clouds, Wasps, Peace, Birds, Lysis- 
trata, Thesmophoriazuse, Frogs, Ecclesiazusz, Plutus. 

Xenophon: Institutio Cyri, Hiero. 

Pindar: Carmina. 

Pausanias: Descriptio Greciz. 

Pollux: Onomasticon. 

Plato: Symposium, Gorgias. 

Aristotle: Politics, Metaphysics, 

Plutarch: Vite. 

Lysias: Orations. 

A@schines: Orations. 

Antiphon: Orations. 

Demosthenes: Meidias, Philippic I. 

Diodorus Siculus: Bibliothecz Hitorice. 

Dubner: Scholia in Aristophanen. 

Horace: Ars Poetica. 

Muff: Chorische Technik des Sophocles. 

Richter: Die altgriechische Tragodie und dasaltgriechische Theaterwesen. 

Schultze: De Chori Grecorum Tragici Habitu ixterno. 

Alberti: De A®schyli Choro Supplicum. 

Capps: ‘The Greek Stage’, Transactions American Philological Associa- 
tion, 1892. 

Pickard: ‘The Relative Positions of Actors and Chorus’, American Jour- 
nal Philology, April, July, October, 1893. 

White: ‘The ‘Stage’ in A.istophanes”’, Harvard Studies in Classical Phil- 
ology, 1891. 

Haigh: ‘Dr. Dorpfeld’s Theory About the Logeion in Greek Theatres’, 
Classical Review, May 1890. 

Miss Harrison: ‘Dr. Dorpfeld_on the Greek Theatre’, Classical Review, 
May, 1890. Rec 

Verrall: ‘Haigh’s Attic Theatre’, Classical Review, May, 1890. 

Muller: Eumenides. ὁ 

Harrison and Verrall: Mythology and Monuments of Ancient Greece. 

Shakespeare: Antonyand Cleopatra, Macbeth, Titus Andronicus, Hamlet. 


There had been consulted, also, in the course of the work 
done before writing this thesis, the following works: 
Bergk: Anthologia Lyrica. 


Mahaffy: Social Life in Greece. 


Gladstone: Time and Place of Homer. 
Symonds: Greek Poets. 
Tyler: Theology of the Greek Poets. 


INTRODUCTION 5 


Schmidt: Rhythmic and Metric. 

Miss Swanwick: Poets the Interpreters of their Age. 
Heren: Researches in Ancient Greece. 

Boeck: Public Economy of Athens. 

Geddes: The Problem of the Homeric Poems. 

Guhl and Koner: The Life of the Greeks and Romans. 
Murray: Manual of Mythology. 

Curtius: History of Greece. 

Whitney: Oriental and Linguistic Studies. 

Muller: Chips from a German Workshop. 


There is given on page 7 an outline table of contents of the 
‘three chapters. Immediately before each chapter is given a de- 
tailed table of contents of that chapter, and at the close of the 
thesis is given a combined table of contents of the three chap- 
‘ters. 


CONTENTS 


CHAPTER I: GENEsIs AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE CHORUS 


The Divisions of Greek Poetry 3 

Singing by Individuals in Homer - 
Early Meanings of the Word Choros 

Choral Exercises in Homer and in Hesiod 

The Divisions of Lyric Poetry 

The Cultivation of Greek Music 

Choral Exercises of the Holic School of Poets 
Choral Exercises of the Doric School of Poets 
The Worship of Dionysus 

The Dithyramb of Arion 

The Development of Tragedy toot he DiRyeeaih 
The Further Development of Tragedy 


The Subsequent Cultivation of the Ditheram, and 


of Lyric Poetry 


CHAPTER II: THe ExTERNAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE CHORUS 


The Number of the Choreutz . 
The Position of the Choreutz 
The Names of the Choreutz 

A Secondary Chorus 

The Choregus 5 

The Delivery of the Choral Parts 
The Costume of the Choreutz 


CHAPTER III: THE Srace 


§7. 
88. 


Alleged Evidence in Favor of a Stage 

The Thymele . 

The Steps; the Disteata 

Archzological Investigations 

Evidence Against a Stage from the Retaint Plave 

Evidence Against a Stage from Certain Facts Con- 
nected with the Entrance of Actors and of Cho- 
ruses 

Summary of Chapter III 

The Mistakes of Vitruvius 


132 


148 


CHAPTER I 


THE GENESIS AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE CHORUS 


CONTENTS 


$1. The Divisions of Greek Poetry: 


§2. Singing by Individuals in Homer: 
‘The Song of Calypso. 
The Song of Circe. 
The Song of Achilles. 
Character of these songs. 


88, Early Meanings of the Word γυρός: 
χορός signifying place. 
χυρός where the idea of dancing is prominent. 


Adornment at the dance. 
yopos transferred to the dancer. 


§4. Choral Exercises in Homer and in Hesiod: 
THE P#AN: Sung when in Homer. 
᾿ The Pzan in Iliad I. 
The Pzan in Iliad X ΧΙ. 
No dancing in the Homeric Pan. 
The Pzan in later times. 
Metrical form of the Homeric Pzan. 
THE THRENOS: Defined. 
Early cultivation of the Threnos. 
The Linus-song: 
The three characters of Linus. 
An extant Linus-song. 
Connected with the death of the seasons. 
Hesiod says concerning the Linus-song. 
The Linus-song in Homer. 
Characteristics of. 
The Threnos in the Iliad. 
Characteristics of. 
The Threnos in the Odyssey. 
Metrical form of the Threnos. 
Later history of the Threnos. 
THE HYMEN2US: The Hymenzus in the Iliad. 
The Hymenzus in Hesiod. 
The Hymenzus in later writers. 
THE HYPORCHEME: The Hyporcheme in the Iliad. 
The Hyporcheme in the Hymn Apol. 
The Hyporcheme in the Odyssey. 
The Hyporcheme defined. 
Popularity of the Hyporcheme. 
Its antiquity. 
Its chief characteristics. 
PARTHENIA IN HOMER. 
The instance in the Iliad. 
RESPONSIVE SINGING IN THE ILIAD. 
SUMMARY OF CHORAL FORMS IN HOMER AND IN HESIOD. 


(9) 


10 


$5. 


$6. 


$7. 


ss. 


39. 


THE ATTIC STAGE OF THE FIFTH CENTURY 


The Divisions of Lyric Poetry: 


Lyric poetry includes only melic. 

The elegiac and the iambic called ἔπη, 
Melic poetry divided into two schools. 
The distinctions between them. 


The Cultivation of Greek Music: 


The tetrachord. 
Terpander, 
Olympus. 
Thaletas. 


Choral Exercises of the AZolic School of Poets: 


SAPPHO: Songs for a single voice. 
Songs tor choruses. 
ANACREON: His character. 
His songs for choruses. 
ALC2uSs: No choral poetry. 


Choral Exercises of the Doric School of Poets: 
Further development of the chorus. 


THE STROPHE: In choral poetry. 
Its origin. 
In elegiac poetry. 
The melic; the Doric. 
Melic strophe described. 
_ The Doric strophe described. 
The epode. 
Origin of anti-strophic recital. 


ALCMAN: His contemporaries. 
His predecessors. 
His excellence. 
He celebrated secular occasions. 
His parthenia. 
Features of his chorus. 
His other compositions for choruses. 
His metres. 
Remaining choral poets not at Sparta. 


STESICHORUS: His originality. 
Size of his chorus. 
The epode. 
His epico-lyric hymns. 
Ispycus: He belongs to two schools. 
His love songs. 
These produced on what occasions. 
Remaining masters of choral poetry: 
Add no new elements. 
The hymn of Stesichorus. 
Lyric poets compose for pay. 
Bacchylides. 
Pindar. 
Timocreon. 


The Worship of Dionysus: 


A new kind of poetry needed. 
Why the dithyramb was popular. 


THE GENESIS AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE CHORUS 11 
89, The Worship of Dionysus (Concluded): 


Why the dithyramb was capable of dramatic development: 
(1) Opportunities for forming plots. 
(2) Opportunities for assuming characters. 


$10. The Dithyramb of Arion: 
Cultivated at Corinth. 
Arion’s chorus. 
The ἐξάρχων. 
The musical accompaniment. 
The size of the chorus. 

$11. The Development of Tragedy from the Dithyramb: 
The extension of the part of the ἐξάρχων. 
The extension of subjects. 
The dithyramb at Athens becomes tragedy. 
The final step the addition of the actor. 


812. The Further Development of Tragedy: 

The chorus of Thespis. 

The chorus of Phrynichus, 

The chorus of Cheerilus. 

Pratinas and the satyr-drama. 

Characteristics of the satyr-drama. 

ZESCHYLUS: Shortened the choral odes. 
Added a second actor. 

SOPHOCLES: Added a third actor. 
Shortened the choral odes. 

EURIPIDES: Shortened the choral odes. 

Decline of the chorus as a living element. 

‘The ideal chorus. 


$13. The Subsequent Cultivation of the Dithyramb, and of Lyric Poetry: 
The dithyramb continued in Doric states. 
The ‘Attic’ dithyramb. 
The decline of lyric poetry. 


CHAPTER [ ° 


THE GENESIS AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE CHORUS 


§1 THE DIVISIONS OF GREEK POETRY 


It is customary -to divide the poetry of the Greeksinto three 
classes, the Epic, the Lyric,the Dramatic. Under the second of 
these classes is included all the poetry ot the lyre whether a 
mournful elegy of Mimnermus or an enthusiastic dithyramb of 
Arion, all poetry, in fact, that is neither epic nor dramatic. It 
is necessary, however, to emphasize the fact that the lyric 
poetry did not suddenly arise at the time when the epic had 
lived its day, when no longer poets were found of originality 
sufficient to compose epic poems that satisfied the people, and 
when weak imitations of the old masters were the only epic 
poems produced. At this time the people began to cultivate 
lyric poetry, but this kind of poetry existed, and in a state of 
considerable development, at the time when the Iliad and 
the Odyssey were composed. The drama, the chief elements of 
which are dialogue and choral songs, was the culmination of 
Greek poetry. It will Ὁ admitted that in the epic poetry there 
is an abundance of dialogue, and it will be shown that the 
choral element exists there, and in many of the forms that it 
had in ages subsequent to that of Homer. Furthermore, the 
dramatic element is prominent in the Iliad. In the first book, 
the quarrel scene between Agamemnon and Achilles isas dram- 
atic as is any scene in the plays of the tragedians of the fifth 
century. The dramatic instinct of the Greeks, then, appears in 
their epic poetry ; dialogue is found there, and instances will be 
pointed out where the choral element is prominent in the epic 
poetry. It is evident, then, that the drama was a combination 
of different kinds of poetry that had existed since prehistoric 
days. 


14 THE ATTIC STAGE OF THE FIFTH CENTURY 
§2 SINGING BY INDIVIDUALS IN HOMER 


In the Odyssey, when Hermes arrives at the island of 
Calypso, on the mission of liberating Ulysses, he 
ies Saks Bi finds Calypso singing with ‘beautiful voice.’t 
alypso ae 
The queen is thus beguiling the hours, as she 
labors at tiie loom. 
In a similar manner, when Ulysses approaches the cave of 
The Song of Circe, he finds her within singing beautifully, as 
Circe she plies the loom.? 
In the Iliad, the Embassadors to the tent of Achilles find 
- that prince seated on the ground singing the 
‘slorious deeds of men’ to the accompaniment 
of a clear-toned harp. 
What was the character of the singing on these three oc- 
casions we have-no information; yet it is safe 
Character of to infer that in the first two instances it did 
these songs not materially differ from that of many. of 
the songs of Sappho or Alezeus. The songs of 
Calypso and of Circe are not to be considered the direct fore- 
runners of the Lesbian school of poetry, but may serve as illus- 
trations of the fact that this school did not create a new kind 
of poetry, but merely developed a kind of poetry that already 
existed. The singing of Achilles was doubtless of a more serious 
kind. It can hardly besupposed thata fierce warrior was sing- 
ing a song of the Sapphic school. The greaterelaborateness of 
his song isseen in the fact that hesang witha musical accompani- 
ment. Among theearliest kinds of lyric poetry to be cultivated 
in the historic age is the iambic of Archilochus. We havea 
fragment left us of one of his poems addressed to his ownsoul,* 
and it is by no means improbable that the Song of Achilles was 
an earlier example of this kind of poetry; not necessarily in 
the same metre as that of Archilochus, but merely a kind of 
poetry of the seriousness that was afterwards developed by men 
such as Archilochus, or the elder Simonides. 


The Song of 
Achilles 


1 ε61. ἡ δ᾽ ἔνδον ἀοιδιάυυςσ᾽ ὀπὶ χαλῆῇ. 
2 χῶ21. ἤΚίρχης δ᾽ ἔνδον ἄχυυον ἀειδυύσης om χαλῇ. 3 1 182-196. 
4 My soul, my soul, careworn, bereft of rest, 
Arise! and front the foe with dauntless breast ;—quoted in Sm. Hist. Gr., p.129. 


THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE CHORUS 15 
8. EARLY MEANINGS OF THE WORD γυρός 


The word χορός in historic times signified a band of trained 
singers and dancers. The primary signification 
of the word has reference not to persons, but to ταν 
place. The use of χυρός in the primary sense signifying place 
‘occurs in the expression ἀειαίνειν yopdv,! ‘to level 
the chorus’, 1. e., to make the χυρός ready to dance upon; and in 
the expression OD μὰν ἔς γε χορὸν χέλετ᾽ ἐλθέμεν, ἀλλὰ μάχεσθαι, 2 where 
- Hector is said to call the Greeks not to the γυρός, but to battle. 
The primary signification is seen also in the compound εὐρό- 
zopes,® an epithet applied to cities that have spacious squares, 
ΕΣ οἱ, χοροί. 

χορός 15, again, used in Homer where the notion of dancing 
is prominent. Thus, Alcinous says: αἰεὶ δ᾽ μῖν 


x , χίν I rs ΄ Ge atk ? ΄ ΞῊΝ 4. Ἶ r ΄ a χορός 
δαίς τε φίλη Ἀγθσρῖς τε Gane τε, where bi A hasrefer SE lS 8a 
ence to dancing. Similarly, Hesiod says: τοὶ of dancing 


δ᾽ ἄνδρες ἐν ayhatats τε χορὺϊς, 5. where, again, the is prominent 


meaning of χοροί is dances. 

That at the dance there was considerable attempt at per- 
sonal adornment, as well as gracefulness, on the 
part of the dancer may be inferred from the 
words of Venus in description of Paris after his 
combat with Menelaus: 


Adornment 
at the dance 


οὐδέ χε φαίης 
ἀνδρὶ μαχησάμενωον τόν γ᾽ ἐλθεῖν, ἀλλὰ χορόνδε 
ἔρχεσθ). ηὲ yopoto νέον λήγοντα χαθίξειν.θ 
The transfer of the word χορός from the place where the 

dancing occurred, or from the dancing itself, pipde 
to the body of individuals that occupied the : transferred 
place, and performed the dancing, was an-  ‘° ἄσπρο 
easy metaphor. 


$4 CHORAL EXERCISES IN HOMER AND IN HESIOD 


Whenever we have singing of many voices in unison or 
dancing by many to the acompaniment of music, we have a 
form of the chorus. 


1 0260. 2 0508. 3 cf. Bags. 4 0248. 5 Scut.272. 6 I' 392 Κ᾽ 


16 THE ATTIC STAGE OF THE FIFTH CENTURY 


The Pzan in Homer may be taken as an instance of an ele- 
mentary choral exercise. The Pzan was at all 

Susie times in Greek history a song of joy. It was 
when in Homer = sung in Homer either in connection with a feast 
of expiation, or, as a joyful song, after a victory 
had been won. 
In the former use, it is sung by the Achzans at the end of 
the sacrificial feast, after restoring ye to 


The pean her father: 

in iad 1. τ 2 Tas) ea aa ty 
of δὲ πανημέριοι μολπῇ Gedy ἱλάσχοντω. 
χαλὸν ἂείδοντες πατήονα, χοῦροι ᾿Αχαιῶν, 


μέλποντες ᾿χάεργον.1 
In the latter use, it was sung by the Greeks after the death of 
Hector, Achilles saying to the Greeks: 


The pean ~ 5.9 nee ΄ ~ > ~ 
Dé vv δ᾽ ἄγ᾽, ἀείδοντες παιήονα, χοῦροι ᾿Αχαιῶν, 


in fliad X XIT 
~ 


νηυσίν ἔπι γλαφυρῇσι νεώμεθα, τόνδε δ᾽ adywysv. 
In neither of these instances, is there any mention of danc- 
ing; in the latter instance, the pean is sung as 
No dancing inthe the Greeks march back to the ships. Another 
Homeric pean example of the singing of the pean by a moving 
body of men occurs where Apollo leads the 


Cretans to his shrine holding in his hands the lyre.® 


In later times, the pean was sung by anarmy when about 
to make an attack ;4 in Homer, only after the 
The pan ~ attack hadbeenmade. In later times, the paan 
in later times was commonly sung at convivial meetings also, 
the poet Aleman composing peans for such 
occasions ;5 in Homer its use at convivial oe is limited to 
feasts of expiation. . 
The pzean was first adapted to proper melic form by the 
Cretan Thaletas. Its metrical form in Homer 
Metrical form can be inferred to have been the hexameter, 
of the Homeric peanhecause that was the only metre at that time 
sufficiently developed for an order of poetry so 
high as an ode to Apollo. 


1 A «τον 2 A 391f. 3 Hymnto Apollo, Pyth. 336ff 
4 cf. e.g. Xen. Cyr., 4,1,6. 5 Frag. XI. Bergk. 


THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE CHORUS 17 


The Threnos expresses a state of feelings directly the reverse 
of those expressed by the pean. The word 
‘threnos’ signifies a lament of any kind, but is Definition 
commonly applied to the lament for the death of the threnos 
of kindred or friends. Such being its meaning, 
we may expect to learn that it was cultivated at the earliest 
stages of civilization. Itis here connected with gary cuitivation 
the mythical hero, or demigod, Linus. of the threnos 

This hero appears in three different characters, first as a 
beautiful boy who, before reaching manhood, τς 
met his death, usually said to have been at the characters 
hands of Apollo; he next appears as a minstrel selec 
who contended with Apollo, and was defeated and killed by 
him; in the third character, he appears as the song celebrating 
the youthful ministrel, and, in this capacity, he is the type of the 
order of threnos. The plaintive character of the Linus-song 
is attested by the full names of ἠξΐλινος and θἰτόλινυς which 
signify respectively, ‘Alas Linus,’ and ‘Death of Linus.’ An 
extant Linus-song is: 


ὦ Atve πᾶσιν θεοῖσιν 
τετιμένε, GOL γὰρ ἔδωχαν An extant 
πρώτῳ μέλος ἀνθρώποισιν spe suet 
φωναῖς λιγυραῖς ἀεῖσαι" 
φοἴβος δὲ χότῳ σ᾽ ἀναιρεῖ, 
Modoat δέ σε θρηνέουσιν.Ἱ 
Similar songs were sung in Ancient Greece, and especially 
in Asia Minor. Itis evident from the mournful Qo. nected with 
character of all these songs that they were con- the death 
nected with the death of certain seasons of the ἘΜΌΝ 
year, or with similar natural phenomena. It was aneasy task 
for the Greek imagination to clothe these phenomena with per- 
sonal forms, to represent them as divine or semi-divine beings. 
Hesiod, in an extant fragment,? doubtless wishing to 
emphasize the ephemeral nature of all things Hesiod says 
earthly, says that the Linus-song should besung concerning 
at the beginning, and at the close of all festive yas? opens 


meetings. 


1 Fragg. Lyr, Ὁ. 1297 Bergk. 2 Cited in Eustathius, p. 1163 (Fragg. 1, ed. 
Gaisford. ) 


18 THE ATTIC STAGE OF THE FIFTH CENTURY 


The Linus-song represented by Homer upon the Shield of 
Achilles is as follows: 


Pe Τό pong τοῖσιν δ᾽ ἐν μέσσοισιν πάϊς φόρμιγγε λιγείη 


in Homer sia aes RAK 
. a ‘ Se 4 3 
ἱμερόεν χιθάριζε" λίνον δ᾽ ὑπὸ χαλὸν ἀειδεν 


λεπταλέῃ φωνῇ" τοὶ δὲ ῥήσσοντες ἁμαρτῇ 
μολπῇ τ᾽ ἰυγμῷ τε ποσὶ σχαίροντες ἕποντο.Ἱ 
This may be taken to be one of the earliest forms of song, 
yet it is distinctly choral in its design. The boy 
Characteristics sitting ἐν μέσσοισιν furnishes the music both vocal 
of the Linus-song and instrumental. The chorus skip about (ποσὶ 
σχαίροντες), and utter shouts (γμῷ). Inthe word 

μολπῇ there is reference probably to dancing, not to singing. 
μολπή commonly refers to singing as opposed to dancing,? yet it 
is used also where there is reference only to graceful motion.® 
In the Linus-song, μολπῇ probably has this latter meaning, and 
the chorus are thus represented as dancing gracefully (μολπῇ ποσὶ 
σχαίροντες), and uttering shouts (/xyv@). Whether these shouts 
had any connection with the singing of the boy there is noth- 
ing in the context to tell us, bit it would seem improbable that 
such was the case. 

A modification of the Linus-song is found in the threnos, 
a form of lament found in both the Iliad and the Odyssey. 

At the rites performed over the body of Hector, after the 
body has been placed in position, the following 
exercise takes place: 


‘ ~» > . , 
παρὰ δ᾽ stady ἀοιδούς, 


The Threnos 
in the Iliad 


θρήνων ἐξάρχους, οἵτε στονόξσσαν ἀυιδὴν 
οἱ μὲν ap ἐθρήνεον, ἐπὶ δὲ στενάχοντο γοναῖχες.4 
There is here a step in advance of the primitive Linus-song. 
The lament has reached a state of development 
Its characteristics where the dirge is first sung by professional 


singers (θρήνων ἐξάρχους), and, while they are 


1 Ys560f. 2 μολπή τ' ὀρχηστύς, a 152; ef. also: 
μολπῆς τε γλυχερῆς zat ἀμύμονος ὀρχηθμοῖο. N 637. 
8 αὐτὰρ ἐπὲι σίτου τάρφθεν Opwat τε zat αὐτὴ, 
΄ , «ἀν; ἃς ee BI , we 
σφαίρῃ͵ ταί T ap ἔπαιξον, ἀπὸ χρήδεμνα βαλοῦσαι. 
τῇσι δὲ Ναυσιχάα λευχώλενο φἥρχετο μο)πῆς. © 998. 
4 {2 7208F. 


THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE CHORUS 19 


speaking, the assembled mourners join in the action so far as 
to add their sighs. 

The threnos at the burial of Achilles as described in the 
Odyssey! is a still more elaborate exercise. 
There the Nereids form the chorus of mourners, 
‘and the threnos is led by the nine Muses. The 
metrical form of the threnos, as of the pean, was probably the 
hexameter. An extension of its metrical forms 
was made as the lyric art was developed, prob- 
ably by the Phrygian Olympus. 

During a great part of the time of the ascen de of lyric 
poetry we hear nothing of the threnos; yet that 
this form of poetry was at all times cultivated 
cannot be doubted; and we know that the last 
of the lyric poets, Pindar, devoted some of his time to the 
threnos, and that the threnoi of his younger contemporary, 
Simonides, were among that poet’s greatest productions. 

The Hymenzus is described by Homer in his picture of the 
shield of Achilles.2, The bride is being conducted 
to the home of her husband; many a bridal = *"* smenwns 
song is raised as the youthful dancers wheel 
around amid the sound of pipes and lyres. 

The description by Hesiod’ of a similar scene is more elabo- 
rate. The city is given over to festivities and 
dances: the bride is being conducted to her fut- 
ure home preceded by maidens with torches, and 
followed by two choruses, one with pipes, the other with lyres. 
There is an advance here over the choral exercise exhibited in 
the threnos. In the latter, the chorus accompany their dance 
only with sighs, while in the hymenzus the choruses accom- 
pany their dances with instrumental music. 

The hymenzeus is found, in later times, among the works 
of Aleman. Sappho left an entire book of hy- 
menza, which were written in hexameter, and = {PC dsmene®us 
were intended to be sung by choruses of young 
men and women.* 


The Threnos 
in the Odyssey 


Metrical form 
of the Threnos 


Later history 
of the Threnos 


The Hymenzus 
in Hesiod 


1 ὦ 5sf. 2 3S 490-495. 3 Sceut., 270-280. 4 Cf. p 24f. below. 


20 THE ATTIC STAGE OF THE FIFTH CENTURY 


The Hyporcheme is mentioned in the Iliad, in the descrip- 
tion of the shield of Achilles.1 Here are dancing 
youths, arfd gaily-attired maidens holding one 
another by the wrist. At times they dance 
nimbly around; at other times they dance in rows opposite to 
one another. Within thechorus sits the singer with the φόρμιγξ 
and two tumblers (χυβιστητῆρες). 

εν ζῆ, δὴν In one of the Homeric hymns,? there is a 
in the Hymn similar scene. Here the chorus is composed of 
ΟΛΕΟΝΟ ten goddesses as dancers; Ares and Hermes are 
the tumblers, and Apollo plays on the cithara. In the Odys- 
-sey,3 at the home of Menelaus, two dancers 
(αυβιστητῆρες) wheel around to the music of the 
φόρμιγξ. 

These dances fully correspond to the definition of a hypor- 
cheme, which is a choral dance in which the ac- 
tion described by the singer is represented with 
mimic gesture by individuals that come from 
the body of the chorus for this purpose. 

The hyporcheme was popular during every age of Greece, 
and is at the present day performed in various 
parts of Greece at popular festivals. Thaletas 
is said to have composed hyporchemes; they 
were composed also by Baccylides, Simonides the younger, and 
by Pindar. They occur also in the works of the dramatists, 
as, e. g., the ode to Pan in the Philoctetes, and the closing ode 
in the Lysistrata. : 

The antiquity of the hyporcheme is seen in the fact that . 
Homer, in describing it, says that it is like unto 
that dance which, in wide Gnossus, Dedalus 
contrived for fair-haired Ariadne. Whether we 
are to understand these words literally, and believe that the 
dance described on the shield of Achilles was patterned after a 
similar dance in Crete, or are to understand Deedalus to be the 
eponymous genius of all Greece, the fact is clear that at the 
time of Homer, the hyporcheme was an old form of dance. 


The Hyporcheme 
in the Iliad 


The Hyporcheme 
in the Odyssey 


The hyporcheme 
defined 


‘ The popularity 
of the hyporcheme 


The antiquity 
of the hyporcheme 


1 Σ᾽ 590ff. 2 Apol. Pyth.,10-26. 3 0 17ff. 4 2 490-495. 


THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE CHORUS 21 


The chief characteristic of the hyporcheme was its mimetic 
character; this feature existed to a greater or 
less degree in all dancing, but in the hyporcheme 
more than in any other kind. The love of imi- 
tation, then, of μίμησις, which is so prominent a characteristic in 
the last class of Greek poetry, the drama, is seen to be already 
existing, in this prehistoric hyporcheme. 

Parthenia,a form of poetry that was extensively cultivated 
by the melic poets from Aleman to Pindar, are 
seen to have been in use at the time of Homer. 
In the Iliad is reference to such a dance in honor 
of Diana: 3 


Its chief 
characteristic 


Parthenia 
in Homer 


The instance 


+f . ««ν » Ἃ, ‘ 4 B « 
οὁφθαλμοῖσιν ἰδὼν μετὰ μελπομένησιν : ᾿ 
ς 4 eens OMe ie ce in the Iliad 


ἐν χορῷ Aptéptdog χρυσηλαχάτου, χελαδεινῆς.1 
Mention is made in Homer of a choral exercise that bears 
resemblance to that of the historic chorus when PE Tees 
just passing into the drama.? At the close of ““Poms¥< Singine 
the first book of the Iliad, at the feast of the 
gods on Olympus, the Muses are represented as singing respon- 
sively : 
οὐδέ τι θυμὸς ἐδεύετο δαιτὸς ἐΐσης. 
οὐ μὲν φόρμιγγος περιχαλλέος, ἣν ἔχ᾽ ᾿Απόλλων, 
Movodwy 0, αἱ ἄειδον ἀμειδόμεναι On χαλῇ .8 
Summary of choral forms in Homer and in Hesiod. It will 
be observed that in thechoral exercises described 
. δ ; . ‘ Summary 
in Homer and in Hesiod there is no sureinstance of Choral forms 
of both singing and dancing by a stationary ce enene®: 
δ and in Hesiod 
chorus. Thusin the pean sung by the Achzans 
at the sacrificial feast in the first book of the Iliad, there is no 
reference to dancing. In the hymeneus, the bands of singers 
arein motion. In the parthenia, the choruses dance, but do 
not sing. In the hyporcheme, also, the chorus dance, but do 
not sing. In the threnos, Homer does not assign to the chorus 
any dancing, nor are the Muses at the close of the first book of 
the Iliad said to accompany their responsive singing with 
dance. Whether, in this instance, we should understand that 


1 // 182f. 2 Cf p.@@below. 3 A 6O2Ff. 


22 THE ATTIC STAGE OF THE FIFTH CENTURY 


the Muses accompanied their singing with some kind of gesture, 
and,inthe threnos described in the Iliad; we should understand 
that the mourners accompanied their sighs with gesture, we 
havenothing to guide us in forming an opinion. If we consider 
that such was the case, we have examples in Homer of both 
singing and dancing by stationary choruses. The dithyramb, 
thechoral song in honor of Dionysus, is not mentioned in either 
Homer or Hesiod; yet it is seen that nearlyevery kind of choral 
poetry that was developed in the historic ages of Greece existed 
at the time of the Homeric poems. All thattheages subsequent 
to Homer could do was to develope these elementary poems. 


$5 THE DIVISIONS OF LYRIC POETRY 


There is an interval of centuries between the time of the 
Garis Gceits performance of the choral exercises that are 
includes mentioned by Homer, and that of the cultiva- 
sopiysanioet, tion of the chorus of historic times. Lyric 
poetry may henceforth be understood to include only poetry 
Pie chine that is called ‘melic.’ The distinctive feature of 
andtheiambic — this poetry is its necessary accompaniment of 
pmax, music, and often of rhythmic movement. The 
elegiac and the iambic poetry are thus excluded, and may be 
classed, as they were by the Greeks of the fifth century Bets, 
under the head of ἔπη. 

Melic poetry may be divided into two classes, that of the 
Sidi poeies folic school of Lesbos, and.that of the Doric 
devided choral poetry. These two schools of poetry 
into two schools differ in every essential respect. The former 
received its name from its being cultivated by the A®olians, 
and especially in the island of Lesbos. The latter received its 
iil ΣΑΣ ΩΝ name from the fact that it was first cultivated 
between under Dorian influences, and in the Doric Pelo- 
whe two schools ~~ nonnesus and Sicily, though subsequently it 
flourished in all parts of Greece. The dialect of the former 
school is the AZolic, that of the latter is the Doric, or the Epic in 
which Doric forms are mingled. The former school is secu- 
lar, and is devoted to personal interests; the latter is often 
religious, and is public. "The former school is, in general, 


THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE CHORUS 23 


intended to be sung by a single voice; the latter is intended for 
many voices. ; 

As melic poetry was so intimately connected with music, it 
is only to be expected that the time of its first cultivation 
should be coeval with that of the improvement of the art of 
music. 


§6 THE CULTIVATION OF GREEK MUSIC 


The foundation of Greek music was the tetrachord. This 
sufficed as an accompaniment of the heroic min- 
strel, as it sufficed, also, for the elegiac and the The tetrachord 
iambic poets, at least early in their history. 

But it is evident that such an instrument would have proved 
but a meagte accompaniment of an elaborate choral ode. 

The founder of Greek music was Terpander (676 B. C.), 
the Lesbian, who reduced to a system the differ- | 
ent modes of singing that then prevailed. His Terpander 
system, though in succeeding ages it was im- 
proved, was not materially departed from. His chief glory 
consists in his having increased the number of 
strings of thelyre to seven. Nearly contempor- Olympus 
ary with Terpander was Olympus, whose con- 
tribution to the development of music was the improvement 
of the flute. Thaletas (620) of Crete marks the 
third epoch in the cultivation of Greek music. Thaletas 
His work was to carry forward the improve- 
ments made by Terpander; and like him he made his home at 
Sparta, the city that was then the musical centre of the whole 
world. Chiefly to these three men, Terpander, Olympus and 
Thaletas, is due the credit of bringing music to the high state 
of development that was not surpassed in the time of Pindar. 
Aided by the improvements made in music, toward the close of 
the seventh century B. C., melic poetry starts on a course of 
cultivation, and within a century and a half from that time 
reaches its highest state of development. 


24. THE ATTIC STAGE OF THE FIFTH CENTURY 
§7 CHORAL EXERCISES OF THE AZOLIC SCHOOL OF POETS 


At the head of the A®olic school stands Sappho, whose 
poetic activity extended from about 610 B. C. 
to about 570 B.C. Her poetry, in general, like 
that of the other representatives of this school was intended to 
Sones be sung by a single voice. It is, however, well 
forasingle voice known that during her life-time there were chor- 
uses in Lesbos; accordingly, we are not surprised to find that 
she wrote poetry for choral representation. This is certain- 
ly the case with her marriage songs. The hy- 
menzus of Sappho from which the poem of 
Catullus 62 was imitated, was sung by choruses 
of men and women. In this poem, as in the imitation of 
Catullus, the two choruses advance to meet each other, the 
one chorus reproaching, the other praising, the evening star be- 
cause he led the bride to the groom. Numerous other frag- 
ments of the hymenzals of Sappho remain, all of which are 
characterized by the intensity of feeling that is the leading feat- 
ure in all of her works. | 

Anacreon, though an Ionian, of the Island of Teos, must be 
classed as a member of the A®olic school, be- 
cause of the nature of his poetry. He was essen- 
tially an ‘idle singer of an empty day,’ whose 
only sorrow was for the approach of “ἀργαλέον γῆρας᾽, a sorrow 
that had caused unhappiness to poets and heroes as far back 
as the time of Homer. Anacreon had the bent of mind of 
Sappho without any of her intensity; and Ana- 
creon, too, wrote for choral exercises, for some 
at least δὲ his poems were ΘΕ by choruses of 
women at nocturnal festivals. 

There is no evidence that Alczeus, the re- 
maining representative of the Zolic school, 
composed for choruses. 


Sappho 


Songs 
for choruses 


Anacreon— 
His character 


His songs 
for choruses 


Alczus— 
No choral poetry 


THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE CHORUS 25 
§8 CHORAL EXERCISES OF THE DORIC SCHOOL OF POETS 


Turning to the other division of melic poetry, the Doric 
choral poetry, we shall be able to trace the de- 
velopment of the chorus to the time when it be- 


comes an element in the drama through a suc- 
cession of steps in which there will be no break. 


A distinguishing characteristic of this kind of poetry is the 
complicated, and often artificial, structure of its 
strophe. The origin of the strophe is doubtless 
coeval with that of lyric poetry. It is essential, 
in singing, that the voice be allowed to rest at intervals. We 
need not doubt that when Achilles was found 
by the visiting chiefs,in the ninth book of the ἜΗΝ πτυχὰς 
Iliad, singing to the accompaniment of the lyre, 
he divided his song into strophes. 

In later times, the elegiac distich serves as 
an illustration of the strophe, as the voice rests 
at the close of every other verse. 

In a narrower sense, the term strophe is confined to two 
varieties, the Melic and the Doric. The chief 
characteristic of the former is its brevity, the 
usual number of verses in thestrophe beiug four, 
the last of which is commonly catalectic. 

The Doric strophe is much more complicated than is the 
Melic. The number of verses is not limited to 
four, and, with the increase in number of verses, 
there is a corresponding increase in complexity 
of rhythmic form. To understand these rhythmic forms, the 
ear frequently needed the aid of the eye, and so the science of 
orchestic was required. Theclimax of this class of strophe was 
reached when the epode was added. As the 
strophe and its corresponding antistrophe were The Epode 
sung by the chorus in motion, so the epode was 
sung by the chorus standing in its original position. 

It need not be doubted that the origin of antistrophic, as 
well as of strophic, recital can be referred to pre- 
historic times. In the responsive recital of the 
Muses on Mt. Olympus, as narrated at theclose 


Further develop- 
ment of the chorus 


The strophe 
in choral poetry 


The strophe 
in elegiac poetry 


The Melic strophe 
described 


The Doric strophe 
described 


Origin of anti- 
strophic recital 


20 THE ATTIC STAGE OF THE FIFTH CENTURY 


of the first book of the Iliad, is seen the germ of the compli- 
cated strophe and antistrophe of the most highly cultivated 
choruses. 

Aleman, the. Lydian, vepneenite a period of progress in the 
development of choral poetry. While Mimner- 
mus is singing his elegies, Sappho her love- 
poems, and Solon his elegiac and iambic poems, 
Anan has left his home in Asia Minor, and, like those other 
poets who were summoned to Sparta in the seventh century 
B. C., has come to that city and is devoting his genius to the 
service of Dorian masters. 

Aleman is for us the first of the choral poets; his predeces- 
sors, Terpander, Thaletas, Polymnestus, were 
proficient in the training of choruses, in adding 
new rhythmical action, and especially in com- 
posing music for their choruses; but Aleman was all this, and 
also a poet. His compositions were afterward 
read and enjoyed by those that had not wit- 
nessed their public recital. The words of his 
predecessors were subordinated to the music; with -Aleman 
this relation was reversed. 

Terpander, Thaletas and Polymnestus had composed for 

only religious exercises; Aleman devoted most 
of his genius to the celebration of secular oc- 
casions. 
Parthenia were an especial favorite with Aleman. The 
term ‘parthenia’ may beapplied to two different 
kinds of composition. It may beused to denote 
songs executed by choruses of maidens in honor 
of certain gods: in this sense they are sacred songs. In the 
other sense, parthenia denote songs in honor of certain maid- 
ens: in this sense they are secular. Aleman devoted his genius 
to both these classes of parthenia, but chiefly to the secular 
class. The parthenia of Bacchylides, Simonides, and Pindar 
were exclusively of the sacred order. 

The chorus of Aleman differed in an essential respect from 

that of Pindar in that with the former poet the 
Features of 
Aleman’s choruses chorus did not become the organ of the poet ex- 


The contemporar- 
ies of Aleman 


The predecessors 
of Aleman 


Alcman’s 
superiority 


He celebrated 
secular occasions 


Aleman’s 
parthenia 


THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE CHORUS 27 


pressing only the thoughts of the poet. This feature, except 
in a very few instances, was an invariable characteristic of the 
chorus of Pindar. In the choruses of Aleman, the maidens 
often speak in their own persons, and not unfrequently a lyric 
dialogue is carried on between the poet, who was the chorus- 
leader, and the chorus. 


Besides parthenia, Aleman composed hymns to the gods, a 
hymn to Castor and Pollux, peeans, and hymen- WaRRCERS 
zals, as well as erotic songs. Of these, the last compositions 
class was sung by a single person, the others i riche 
were sung by choruses. 


The metres of Aleman show a sep in advance of those of 
his predecessor, Terpander; of this latter poet 
about twenty verses are extant, all in hexam- His metres 
eter or heavy spondaic metres, which are appro- 
priate for his nomes. On the other hand, the varied style of 
Aleman’s compositions required a more varied metre; yet they 
are much less complicated than are the metres of the later lyric 
poets. 


Aleman and his predecessors made their homes at Sparta. 
Henceforth, the cultivators of choral poetry ΠΩΣ 
Ε ‘ < ᾿ emaining 
live in various parts of the Dorian confederacy, choral poets 
and none of them have any connection with vend i ela: 
Sparta. 


Stesichorus flourished at about 650 B.C. His originality 
led him in a path totally different from that of The originality 
Aleman. We find in his productions all the ele- OEStEMCROres 
ments of the most highly developed choral poetry. The chorus 
of Aleman was a popular chorus; that of Stesi- nis chorus limited 
chorus was limited in size, and consisted of Σ par at 
combinations of several rows, with eight dancers in each. The 
great accomplishment of Stesichorus was the 


addition of the epode. The epode 


The debt of Stesichorus to the epic was great. In metre, 
he varied but little from the hexameter; in dia- ΣῊΝ τος leeks 
lect, he used the Epic with but a slight tinge of hymns 
Doric; so, also, insubject-matter, he was largely paar seas te 


ee ERA. 
pA, ΩΣ ΟΥ̓ THE RS 


UNIVERS ΕΣ 
Carr yy 
irra 


28 THE ATTIC STAGE OF THE FIFTH CENTURY 


indebted to the Epic. Stesichorus lived in an age when the 
Epic was becoming vapid; accordingly, people were losing 
their taste for it; yet they still wished to bring into their wor- 
ship of the present the legends of the past. The whole tendency 
of the age was toward the cultivation of lyric poetry. The 
originality of Stesichorus was displayed in uniting these two 
kinds of poetry. He adapted the heroic legends toa lyric treat- 
ment, composing for the great national festivals of Sicily hymns 
the subjects of which covered the whole circle of Epic tradition.1 
Ibycus of Rhegium was born at about the 

see el time of the death of Stesichorus. He devoted 
choral poetry to two uses. Some of his frag- 

ments have Epic titles, showing that he belonged to the school 
of Stesichorus, while others are devoted to con- 
fessions of love. His later life was spent at the 
court of Polycrates in Samos together with 
Anacreon, and the love poems are perhaps due to this latter 
poet’s influence. 

Anacreon composed love-songs for recital to the accom- 
paniment of a lyre of twenty strings without a 
chorus. Thesimilar songs of Ibycus were always 
for achorus. This fact is shown by the length 
of the strophes, and by the complex structure of the verses. 

These love-songs were composed for the celebration of 
family festivals, or birth-days, or for similar 
occasions, at which times the poet and his 
chorus took their positions near the houses 
of the persons celebrated. 

The remaining masters of choral poetry added no new ele- 
Ser δὰ ments; they merely perfected the elements that 
now given already existed, and extended this kind of 
to choral poctry —_noetry to all varieties of subjects. 

Thus Simonides of Ceos, the most prolific of all the lyric 
poets, extended the choral hymn to celebrating 
contemporary men. Originally, the hymn had 
been devoted to the celebration of the gods; by 


He belongs to 
two schools 


The love-songs 
of Ibycus 


These songs 
produced when 


The hymn 
of Stesichorus 


1 Among the subjects of these hymns are: The Fall of Troy, Helena, and The 
Oresteia. 


THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE CHORUS 29 


Aleman it had been extended to demi-gods, as in his hymn to 
€astor and Pollux; Stesichorus had extended the hymn to cele- 
brating the heroes, and to such hymns was his highest genius 
given; Simonides advanced a step further, and, in his famous 
epinikia, devoted the hymn to celebrating contemporary men. 

Choral poetry has now completely triumphed over all other 
kinds of poetry. A lyric poet makes his home Prtin dere 
first in one city, then in another; and now for | compose 
the first time hesells his genius for gold. Simon- eee 
ides took the initiative in this direction, and we find him now 
with Hiero at Syracuse, now withthe Scopadsin Thessaly, and, 
finally, at the court of Hipparchus at Athens, the younger con- 
temporary at this last place of Anacreon and Lasus. 

Bacchylides, the nephew of Simonides, and hiscontemporary 
at the court of Hiero, devoted his choruses to 
lighter themes than did his uncle, dealing, in 
great measure, with love and wine. 

The lofty Pindar, ‘the perfect lyric poet,’ devoted the chorus 
to all uses save that of love. Of his composi- 
tions moreremains than of any other lyric poet. 
His Epinikia are his most famous poems. 

In contrast with these later lyric poets stands Timocreon. 
He quarreled with Simonides, and his lampoons 
and satires, which in substance differed not at all 
from those of Hipponax or Archilochus, were put 
in the ponderous choral form; yet he differed from his contem- 
poraries in this respect that while they wrote for pay, he, like 
the aristocratic poets of ages before him, spurned to sell his 
genius for money. 


The chorus 
of Bacchylides 


The chorus 
of Pindar 


The chorus 
of Timocreon 


$9 THE WORSHIP OF DIONYSUS 


It is evident that the poetry of Pindar and his contempor- 
aries would not satisfy the hearts of the’ people 
of democratic Athens. The splendor of Pindar’s 
art was high, but the occasions on which he 
used it were often trifling. Famed for the celebration of victor- 
ies at the great national festivals, he just as freely celebrated a 
trivial victory, provided he was paid for doingso. This poetry 


A new kind 
of poetry needed 


30 THE ATTIC STAGE OF THE FIFTH CENTURY 


was in the hands of the aristocrats. It was composed for pat- 
rons, andfor pay. Worship was paid the gods, not by the peo- 
ple themselves, but for them by professional singers.. The 
people, therefore, demanded a different kind of festival, one in 
which they could feel that they participated themselves. 


This festival in which all could participate was furnished by 
the worship of the god Dionysus. The reasons 
why the worship of Dionysus was popular may © 
be reduced to two, the enthusiasm connected with 
the god, and the fact that he was the wine-god. From the 
earliest times, the dithyramb was a joyous song, character- 
ized by license in poetry and music; it was the turbulent song 
of the Greeks. At the time of Archilochus, it had obtained a 
position of some importance, for he says: 


ε ) ΄ uv Ὁ > ae | 2 » -- 7} 
ἐς Διωνήσου ἄναχτος χάλυν ἑξάρξαι μξλος 


Why the dithy- 
ramb was popular 


Nida διθύραμβον οἴνῳ συγχεραυνωθεὶς φρένας. 
The pean of Apollo was always solemn and stately; the paan 
of Dionysus rctained many of the oriental attributes thatit had 
before entering Greece. 


Why the drama The dithyramb was the parent of the Attic 
ates REE Py drama. Wecan see in the dithyramb two feat- 
ramb ures that rendered it capable of development 


into the drama. 
The worship of Dionysus was two-fold. It celebrated him 


(1) as the god of wine; and, again, it was the form 
The dithyramb . P 
sapislied-ap pore used to convey sympathy with the changing 


tunities forform- seasons of the year. The struggles of Dionysus 
neo were seen in the struggles that Nature makes as 
she breaks forth from the cold winter into the warm spring. 
For this reason, his festivals came in the months nearest to the 
shortest days of the year, the Rural Dionysia, the Lenza, the 
Anthesteria, the Greater Dionysia coming in the months corres- 
ponding to our December, January, February, March, respeet- 
ively. As the participants stood at these festivals around the 
altars, they thought that they actually saw the god, now dying, 
now successful, now put to flight, now returning victorious; 


1 Frag. 72 Bergk. 


THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE CHORUS 31 


andthey all participated in the feelings of joy or sorrow, as the 
occasion demanded. In the course of time, as knowledge ex- 
tended, this beliefin the actual presence of the god vanished, 
yet the belief that Dionysus was an anthropomorphic being, 
and the sympathy for his sufferings remained. There was, ina 
sympathy like this, ample opportunity for constructing imag- 
ined methods of escape of the god from death, ample opportun- 
ity for constructing plots; and it was from the dithyramb that 
sang of these escapes of Dionysus that tragedy was developed. 
It evidently could not have been developed from the dithyramb 
that sang of the joys of the god; and this belief is confirmed by 
the tradition recorded by Herodotus,! that in Sicyon, Cleisthe- 
nes transferred back to Dionysus, as to one to whom they were 
due, tragicchoruses that had been sung celebrating the sorrows 
of Adrastus. We see, then, in the worship of Dionysus, oppor- 
tunity for forming plots. 

The remaining element in the Dionysiac worship that made 


it capable of development into the drama isseen (2) 
Ἀ τς, The dithyramb 
in the forms assumed by the participants at the sipbiied ongor 


festivals. This was caused by their desire to tunities for assum- 
approach as close as possible to the gods with ay naka 
whom they sympathized. As he was a nature-god, it was 
only natural for his sympathizers to appear as far as possible 
in the forms in which nature appears. They therefore assumed 
the guise of Satyrs, Nymphs, Panes. They put goat-skins. 
around their loins, they colored their bodies with juices of 
various plants, and put masks upon their faces. Thus they 
were more like their god in form, and, accordingly, nearer to 
him in sympathy. The festival, thus, afforded opportunity for 
assuming various characters. The worship of Dionysus, then,. 
contained the two elements that madeit capable of development 
into the drama, (1) occasions for forming plots; (2) occasions: 
for assuming characters. 


1 Herod. v. 67 : 
τὰ πάδμεα adTOY τραγιχυῖσι yoputat ἐγέραιρον, τὸν μὲν Διόνυσον οὐ τιμέ- 
᾿ ry r \ . - , . 
ὠντες, τὸν δὲ “Adpaatov. Nistavéves δὲ χοροὺς μὲν τῷ Atcovdcw ἀπέδωχε. 
The force of ἀπέδωχε should be observed. 


THE ATTIC STAGE OF THE FIFTH CENTURY 


Go 
to 


$10 THE DITHYRAMB OF ARION 


Arion was the first to produce a choral performance of the 
Arion cultivatea Githyramb. The worship of Dionysus was 
the dithyramb especially popular at Lesbos, thehomeof Arion; 
Avent accordingly, when he came to the wealthy city 
of Corinth, during the reign of the tyrant Periander, hedevoted — 
himself to the cultivation of the form of worship with which he 
had been so long in sympathy. . 

Arion made his improvements in the dithyramb at about 
whe characteris. δε beginning of the sixth century B. C., more 
tics of Arton’s than half a century before Thespis (535 B. C.) 
Sees introduced anactor, there by converting the trag- 
ic dithyramb into tragedy. The chorus of Arion was called 
‘circular,’ which indicates that the satyrs performed their 
dances in a circle around the burning altar. This circular form 
was retained till the time of Thespis, who arranged the chorus 
in the form of a rectangle. The choral dithyramb of Arion was 
not so boisterous and licentious as was the dithyramb upon 
which he built, but honored Dionysus in amoresolemn manner, 
the worship resembling the dignified choral worship of Apollo. 
Arion is said to have invented for his dithyrambicchorus a new 
kind of dance, which corresponded to the solemn dance, the 
ippedta, of tragedy. 

The dithyramb as arranged by Arion was under the charge 
of a leader (ἐξάρχων) whose duty it was to super- 
intend the choral dances, and to take a distinct 
part himself, which was to sing odes in praise 
of the god, his part being introduced merely for the purpose of 
relieving the dancers. It need not be doubted that these songs 
of the exarchon were the only parts of the dithy- 
ramb that had any considerable artistic merit. 
The musical accompaniment was of two kinds: 
for the ruder dances it was the flute, which was the instrument 
originally used at the boisterous satyr-dances; for the accom- 
paniment of the more refined words of the exarchon the lyre 
was used. Arion was, in fact, the most distinguished cithara- - 
player of his time. : 


The duties of 
the ἐξάρχων 


The musical 
accompaniment 


THE ΡΕΨΕΚΞΟΡΜΕΝΊ UF THE CHORUS 33 


Thus far, in its course of development, had the dithyramb 
advanced in the time of Arion. It was a comparatively solemn 
body of men, reciting verses,! singing antistrophically,? and 
was under the leadership of an exarchon, who eee aa 
himself sang in the celebration of the god. Of of the dithy- 
how many men thechorus consisted we have no i eae ay ce 
direct information. Simonides refers to a dithyramb of his 
own that consisted of a chorus of fifty men. Whether this 
number dated from the time of Arion is a matter of conjecture. 


§11 THE DEVELOPMENT OF TRAGEDY FROM THE DITHYRAMB 


Aristotle says that tragedy derived its origin from the ex- 
archon of the dithyrambic chorus, that after 
The first step 
many changes tragedy assumed the form that OMe eetetibl on 
it has in A%schylus and his successors. The OF Ae Dare 
dithyramb of Arion is but a choral exercise, Nn hw came 
whichis relieved at intervals by thesongs of itsleader. The first 
of the changes referred to by Aristotle may be considered to be 
an extension of the part taken by the leader. Instead of'sing- 
ing a few words in praise of the god, he recited a longer pas- 
sage, narrating some trial that the god had undergone. He 
would even assume the character of the god. These passages 
became longer and more important, the leader at times ad- 
dressing the chorus, and bringing forth some special feature in 
the trials of the god that the chorus in its following ode could 
illustrate. The brief extent of these interruptions of the leader 
as compared with the songs of the satyrs may be seen by the 
name that was given to them. They are called ‘episodes,’ a 
name that they retain in the fully developed drama, and which 
means the same as our word ‘parentheses’. 
The next step was the celebrating of thesorrows of persons 
other than Dionysus, and this was but the re- 
vival of a custom that had been practiced at pha harps core 
Sicyon, and had been discontinued by Cleis- Of thelaubiecte: 
thenes. This was an important step. As long 
as the festival confined itself to celebrating the sorrows of this 
one god, the opportunity for forming plots was limited; but 


-- Aristot;, Poet, TV. 2 Aristot., Problem. XIX:15. oF OSCE LV: 


94 THE ATTIC STAGE OF THE FIFTH CENTURY: 


when the whole range of mythology was thrown open from 
which to draw the subjects of the exercises, the opportunity for 
forming plots was indefinitely extended. Though the trials of 
Dionysus were abandoned for those of heroes of mythology, 
the festival was always a part of the worship of the god of 
wine. i 

The dithyramb has been brought to the time of Thespis. 

It has been developed thus far on Doric soil. In 
The dithyramb Athens, on Ionian soil,it becomes tragedy. This 
at Athens . . 5 ° 
becomes tragedy event is associated with the name of Thespis, 
who came to Athens from Icaria at about the 

year 535 B. C. The dithyramb at this time was popular at 
Athens, though it had not in that state reached the stage of 
cultivation that it had reached in the Doric states; it con- 
tained more of the wild orgiastic rites that originally attended 
it. Peisistratus, in his desire to lift up the common people, lent 
his aid to the development of this popular form of worship. 

The service of Thespis was to add to the chorus of satyrs 
Cie Gadd ἐνερ μι. τ ποτὸν who was distinct from the chorus, and 
the addition who took the part that had previously been 
nae taken by the exarchon; and this act of Thespis 
converts the dithyramb into tragedy. 


$12 THE FURTHER DEVELOPMENT OF TRAGEDY 


Our information concerning Thespis is limited, as it is also 
concerning the tragic poets that come between him and A%s- 
chylus. It would appear that in some of the 
plays of Thespis the chorus assumed the forms 
of satyrs, while in other plays the chorus ap- 
peared as men. 

With Phrynichus this last fact became a regular feature, 
his chorus assuming the character that was 
most in sympathy with the action of the play, 
thus, e. g., if the play was the ‘Capture of Mile- 
tus, the chorus appeared as citizens of Miletus. 

A contemporary of Phrynichus was Cheeri- 
Cheerilus. lus, of whom about all we know is to be gained 
from the verse, ‘ MHviza μὲν βασιλεὺς ἦν Χοίριλος ἐν σα- 


‘The chorus 
of Thespis. 


‘The chorus 
of Phrynichus. 


THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE CHORUS 35 


topos’, From this we may infer that Choerilus was famed for 
composing tragedies in which the chorus con- 
‘sisted of satyrs, a practice that had probably His chorus. 


been by Thespis in part superseded by that of 
presenting a chorus of men. It would appear that this latter 


practice rapidly grew in favor, and, with it, the custom of 
making the whole exercise more calm and dignified. This we 
may: infer from the complaint that at about this time arose 
among the people, “οὐδὲν πρὸς τὸν Διόνυσον," which apparently in- 
dicated the discontent of the common people with the practice 
of substituting the chorus of men for the chorus 
of satyrs. This discontent was respected by the 
poet Pratinas, who is said to have brought 
forth the satyr-drama as a permanent feature of the festival; 
and from this time it was the custom for a poet to present 
three tragedies in which the chorus was composed of men, and 
one in which the chorus was composed of satyrs, all four 
tragedies being connected in subject. 

The satyr-drama has been described as a sportive tragedy. 
The subjects of this kind of tragedy were drawn 
from the same source as were the subjects of the 
regular tragedy, but they weretreated in a man- 
ner more suited to the presence of satyrs. Any wild, striking 
adventure was suited to the satyric tragedy; any scenes drawn 
from rude nature were especially appropriate. The adventures 
of Hercules were frequently depicted, and in the only extant 
satyr-drama, the Cyclops of Euripides, the chief characters 
are Ulysses and the savage Cyclops, the scene being laid in 
front of the rustic cave of the Cyclops. 

Wecome now to A¢schylus, who is the real founder of trag- 
edy. The productious of his predecessors had | 
been hardly more than choral exercises. The ZBschylus. 
part taken by the actor had been entirely sub- 
ordinate. The tragedies of Phrynichus are said by Aristo- 
phanes to be ‘exceedingly sweet’, and, as songs of such a char- 


Pratinas and 
the satyr-drama 


Characteristics of 
the satyr-drama. 


36 THE ATTIC STAGE OF THE FIFTH CENTURY 


acter, they were popular at the time of the great comedian.! — 
Aaschylus shortened the parts of the chorus, yet 
in his Supplices the part of the chorus is three- 
fifths of the whole play. In the other plays of 
“Eschylus, except the Prometheus, the choral parts are about 
one-half of the whole composition. The great 
change that A®schylus made in the external 
characteristics of tragedy was the introduction 
of a second actor. 


Shortened 
the choral-ades. 


Added 
a second actor. 


Sophocles added a third actor. The tragedies of Aeschylus 
were presented in tetralogies. Sophocles in- 
creased the vital action in the individual plays 
by setting the example of acting his tragedies 
each as a separate whole. He further diminished the length of 
the choral parts. These vary, in the plays of 
Sophocles, from about one-tourth of the whole 
play, in the Ajax, to about one-seventh of the 
whole, in the Antigone. 
Buripicdes could add nothing to the external features of 
; tragedy. The important changes that he ef- 
rete waed fected were all internal; yet he reduced still 
rE eo further the lengths of the choral: parts. They 
vary in his plays from about one-fourth of the 
whole, in the Bacche, to about one-ninth of the whole, in the 
Orestes. 


Sophocles added 
a third actor. 


Shortened 
the choral odes. 


Before the time of A2schylus, the chorus had been practical- 
Gin aa aon ly everything. Its action was the chief part of 
chorus as the exercise; but, from the time of A2schylus, the 
“ving clement. chorus steadily declined in importance. The 
decline in amount assigned to it has already been noted; but 
there was another, and a still more important, aspect of its 
decline. This aspect has to do with its importance as a living 
element in the play. The Supplices of A2schylus takes its name 
from the suppliant maidens, and the whole interest in the play 
centersin the fate of the maiden choreutz. In the Prometheus, 
on the other hand, the choreute share the fate of the rebellious 


1 Aristoph., Av. 748ff; Vesp. 2198 


THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE CHORUS 37 


Titan, yet the interest in the play centers around him, not 
around them. The object of a chorus such as 
this one seems to be to comment on the course 
of events and to relieve the action by choral odes 
tiiat speak the sentiments of the poet, but that are connected 
with the main action. This is the type of chorus seen in the 
later plays of Aischylus, and is the type seen in Sophocles. 
Tragedy is now at its perfect development; this kind of chorus, 
therefore, may be considered. the ideal chorus. By Euripides 
the decline in the importance of the chorus is carried a step be- 
yond the position assigned to it by Sophocles and the later 
plays of A®%schylus. In Euripides, the choral odes, far from 
invariably being connected with the subject-matter of the plays, 
often soar into mythology, at times having no connection at 
all with the matter in hand. It might almost be thought that 
Euripides had these choral odes stored away, and produced at 
the time the one that his fancy dictated. Thisseparation of the 
chorus may have been one cause of the lack of success of Eurip- 
ides, and may help to explain why he gained but five victories 
in a life-time in which he is reported to have composed nearly a 
hundred tragedies. Thisseparation of thechorus is carried still 
further by the tragedians of the fourth century, especially by 
Agathon and Ion. Under these poets, the choral odes were 
confessedly for the purpose of relieving the stress on the actors 
of continuous action, and of supplying music, filling, in fact, 
exactly the position occupied by the orchestra in the theatre of 
the present day. 


The 
ideal chorus 


§13 THE SUBSEQUENT CULTIVATION OF THE DITHYRAMB, AND OF 
LYRIC POETRY. 


The dithyramb in the form that it had received from Arion 
continued for a long time to be sung in Doric κε aithyramp 
states. Forashort time after the innovations of continued 
Thespis, it continued in favor at Athens, but es Dee eens 
not later than the close of the sixth century B.C. As Thespis 
made the dithyramb into tragedy, so Lasus 
(503 B. C.), the teacher in music of Pindar, gave 
to the old dithyramb a new form, that was 


The ‘Attic’ 
dithyramb 


398 THE ATTIC STAGE OF THE FIFTH CENTURY 


familiarly called the ‘Attic’ dithyramb. In this form thechorus 
of satyrs was abandoned for a chorus of men, and the music 
was more highly cultivated, being described as wild and florid, 
toward the close of the fifth century B. C. degenerating into a 
type that received much censure from temporary critics. Inthe 
‘Attic’ dithyramb, the subjects were frequently transferred from 
Dionysus to mythical heroes. Simonides is said to have com- 
posed a dithyramb entitled ‘Memnon’; and Pindar was a com- 
poser of similar dithyrambs. The fact that dithyrambic 
contests took place together with contests in tragedy and com- 
edy is further indication of a considerable cultivation of the 
‘Attic’ dithyramb. 

After the rise of the drama, lyric poetry, as a separate 
branch, existed in but few forms. It is evident 
that the parthenia, which had been so popular 
on Doric soil, could find no place in Athens, 
where women were kept in an almost oriental seclusion; and 
the epinikia, which added such splendor to the national festi- 
vals in the latter half of the fifth century B. C., were aban- 
doned, as Greece became torn with the strife of war. Thechief 
duty of lyric poetry now is to supply an element in the drama. 


The decline 
of lyric poetry 


CHAPTER II 


THE EXTERNAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE CHORUS 
CONTENTS 


$1 The Number of the Choreutae: 
The tragic chorus of fifteen: the comic chorus of twenty-four. 
Sophocles the first to use a tragic chorus of fifteen. 
The tragic chorus of fourteen. 
The tragic chorus of fifty. 
Was the innovation of Sophocles adopted by 4¢schylus ἢ 
The tragic chorus of forty-eight. 
The changes in the size of the chorus. 


$2 The Position of the Choreutae: 
At its entrance the chorus presented its left side to the spectators. 
The entrance sometimes by the eastern parodos. 
The parts of the chorus. 


The entrance called χατὰ OTULZODS, χατὰ ζυγά. 


Diagram of a chorus entering χατὰ στοΐχους, 
Diagram of a chorus entering χατὰ ζυγά. 


The χατὰ atutyovs formation common. 
Position of the chorus after reaching the orchestra. 


Position of the left file when the chorus entered by the eastern 
parodos. 


Position of the chorus during the dialogue, and during the 
stasima. 


Exit of the chorus at the close of, and during the play. 
Lines in the orchrstra. 

“Πμιχόριον, διχορία. 

Position of the coryphzeus in a chorus of fifteen. 
Position of the coryphzus in a chorus of twelve. 


$3 The names of the Choreute: 
? Their names derived from their positions. 
The titles of the coryphzus. 
The choregus as coryphzus. 
The poet as trainer; the choregus, the ἡποδιδάσχαλος. as 
corypheus. 
The skill of the choreutz varied in different files. 


wr 


4 A Secondary Chorus. 
Παραχουρήγημα, παρασχήντων, 
Passages in which occurs the word παραχορήγημα. 


Examples of παραχουρηγήματα, and of παρασχη να. 


un 
σι 


The Choregus: 
The appointment of the choregus. 
The duties of the choregus. 
The expenses of the choregus. 


40 THE ATTIC STAGE OF THE FIFTH CENTURY 


§5 The Choregus (Continued) : 
Minor details concerning the choregus. 
The decline of the choregia. 


The Delivery of the Choral Parts: 


The parodoi. 

The stasima. ; 

Shorter songs of the whole chorus, 

Words spoken by the corypzus. 

Commoi, 

The delivery of the words in certain doubtful instances, 
The parabasis. 


$7 The Costume of the Choreute; 


The costume of the choreutz in tragedy. 
Che costume of the choreutz in comedy. 
The costume of the choreutz in the satyric drama. 


Lf 
op) 


$1 THE NUMBER OF THE CHOREUTAi 


Our knowledge ofthe size of the tragic and the comic 
chorus is derived primarily from the state- 
ἀρώρρε ἐὲ msn ments of ancient writers. The scholiast to 2858- 
chorus15 men;  chylus’ Eumenides (585) says: τοῦτο οὐ πρὸς τρεῖς. 
ein te ong ἀλλὰ πρὸς τὸν χορὸν. τέ γὰρ ἧσαν. The scholiast to 
Aristophanes’ Equites (589) says: συνειστήχει δὲ ὁ 
χυρὸς [ὁ μὲν χωμιχὸς} ἐξ ἀνδρῶν 404 χαὶ γηναιχῶν. ὁμοῦ δὲ χαὶ in παίδων, 
χὸ, * * * 6 δὲ τραγικὸς τέ, wy Alazdhos Ayapepvove), The scholiast 
to the Aves (297) says: ὁ δὲ τραγιχὺς τέ πρόσωπα ἔχει. Pollux says :1 
πεντεχαίδεχα yap ἦσαν 6 yopos. These statements show that the 
comic chorus consisted of twenty-four persons, the tragic of 
fifteen. 


In two places, Sophocles is recorded as the first one to use 


. ὃ oD οὐ εἶ 
Sophocles the frst 8 tragic chorus of fifteen. Suidas says :? zat πρῶ 


to use a tragic τὸς μεν TOY χυρὺν ἐχ πεντεχαίδεχα εἰσήγαγε. νέων, πρότερων 
chorus of 15. x »» ΤΟΥΣ - ; . 

δυοχαίδεχα εἰσιόντων; and in the Vit. Soph.® occur 
the words: αὐτὸς δὲ zai τοὺς χορευτὰς ποιήσας ἀντὶ δώδεχα πεντεχαίδεχα 


χαὶ τὸν τρίτον ἡποχριτὴν ἐξεῦρε. The evidence of these passages 
shows that the chorus of A%schylus consisted of twelve men, 
and that this number was increased by Sophocles to fifteen. — 


1 Iv:108. 2 ν᾿ Συφυχλης, 3 p. 2 Dindf. 


THE EXTERNAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE CHORUS 41 


All authorities are agreed that the comic chorus consisted 
of twenty-four persons;! but, in three passages, it is asserted 


ae that the tragic chorus consisted of fourteen per- 
Authorities giving 


i ΡΣ abe aia atte a ae 

ἘΣ the txnaic sons. ‘These passages are: χορὸς δὲ τῶν τραγῳδῶν 
᾿ =~ / . ᾷ ~ . x7 ‘ 

chorus 14 συνίσταται ἐξ ιδ' ἀνδρῶν. τὴν δὲ τραγῳδίαν χαὶ τοὺς σα- 

members. ey oo me ‘ v3 τ ᾿»" ~ 

τ-ροὺς ἐπίσὴς μὲν EYELY YUPEVUTAY lO YOR OF τραγικῶν 


χορευταὶ δεχατέρμες... It is stated, also, in the Vit. ZEs. that the 
number of the choreutz was fourteen. The evidence of these 
passages as tending to establish a tragic chorus of fourteen 
persons may be dismissed with the belief that this number does 
not include the corypheus. The chorus of both tragedy and 
comedy, as it marched into the theater, was rectangular in 
form. Had the tragic chorus consisted of fourteen men, in or- 
der that it have a rectangular form, it would have been neces- 
sary that it be drawn up either two abreast and seven deep, or 
seven abreast and two ceep. In neither of these forms would 
it have presented a pleasing appearance, as it marched in over 
the parodos. The chorus of fourteen members may, then, be 
considered to be the chorus without its leader. 


Pollux says® that the tragic chorus consisted of fifty men 
even to the time of the presentation of the Eu- 


ον cote menides, that, on that occasion, the appearance’ 
of a tragic chorus Ἂ . 
AERO τὐἀτε στ έν, of fifty Erinyes caused so much consternation 


on the part of the spectators that a law was 
passed reducing the number. This statement, especially as it 
is corroborated by no other writer, may be considered an er- 
ror on the part of Pollux, and we may accept as true the state- 
ments already quoted from Suidas and the Vit. Soph. that 
Sophocles increased the size of the chorus of his predecessor 
from twelve to fifteen members. Even without the authority 
of these. ancient writers, there is no difficulty in believing that 
Sophocles increased the number of the choreutz. To the other 
improvements in tragedy that this poet made, such as present- 
ing single plays instead of tetralogies, increasing the number 
of actors, and improving the scenic properties, it is easy to be- 


1 Cf, Poll. TV:109; Schol. Arist. ἂν. 297. 2 Bekk. Anecd. p. 746. 
3 Tzetzes, Prolegom. ad. Lycophron p. 254. 
4 Schol. to Dionys. Thrac. Villoisoa Anecd. II, p. 178. - 9 ὁ χὸ ὦ ΧῸ 


42 THE ATTIC STAGE OF THE FIFTH CENTURY 


lieve that he also increased the size of the chorus, thereby add- 
ing to the splendor of the singing and dancing, and making 
easier the division of the chorus into semi-choruses with their 
two leaders. 


The question now arises whether the innovation of Sopho- 

Selene niin cles was adopted by A¢schylus, in his later plays. 
tion of Sophocles It is impossible to answer this question with 
paisa gs ae certainty. Alberti! maintains that even in the 
Ans τῇ Supplices of A2schylus the chorus consisted of 
fifteen members; and this belief is based, first, upon the fact 
that all the choral songs except the last one are composed of 
sets of either three or five strophes, and then upon the assump- 
tion that the songs composed of three strophes were sung by 
the choreute as composed of three στοῖχοι, and those composed . 
of five strophes were sung by the choreutz as composed of five 
ζυγά. Therefore, the argument is, there were fifteen choreute. 
But the objection to accepting this conclusion lies in the fact 
that there is no proof that the choral songs were sung as 
Alberti assumes. Muff? asserts that in the Eumenides and the 
Agamemnon alone A%schylus used a chorus of fifteen, and that 
Sophocles in the Ajax®, one of his earliest plays, used twelve 
choreute, not yet having introduced his innovation, and that 
in the Philoctetes*, one of his latest productions, he reverted to 
the smaller number, twelve. The opinion of Muff concerning 
the number of choreutz in the Eumenides is shared by Muller.5 
There are two scholiathat bear upon this question.6 Theschol- 
ium to the Eumen. (585) that asserts thechorus in that play to 
have been fifteen in number, Haigh’ is probably correct in 
thinking of no value, assuming that the scholiast was influenced 
by the knowledge of the size of the chorus in later times. The 
scholiast on Arist. Equit. (589) was no doubt, as Haigh’ be- 
lieves influenced by the passage in the Agamemnon, 1344-1371. 
In this passage, the verses 1344, 1346, 1347 are written in > 
trochaic metre; the verses 1348-1371 consist of twelve iambic 
couplets, and were, doubtless, spoken by twelve different chor- 


1 De Ais- Chor. Sup. 2 Die Chor. Tech. des Soph. p. 1. 3: .pp. 13-52-80) 
4 pp.1; 227 sq. 5 Eumenides, p. 18 sq. 6 Already quoted on p.40 above, 
7 Att. Th., p.263. 


THE EXTERNAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE CHORUS 43 


eutze. Whether the first set of three verses was spoken by three 
of those who spoke verses 1348-1371, or by three other choreu- 
tee, determines whether thechorus of the play consisted of twelve 
or of fifteen members; but there is no way of deciding this ques- 
tion. It is manifestly unsafe to draw a conclusion concerning 
the size of the chorus from the manner in which the choral odes 
were sung, until we have more information concerning this 
feature. It may, however, on general grounds, be considered 
probable that A?schylus in his later plays had a chorus of 
fifteen men. The Oresteia was presented ten years after the 
first appearance of Sophocles, and it is reasonable to believe 
that by that time 4schylus would havecome tosee the advant- 
age of the larger chorus, and that he used it in that trilogy. 


It is safe to follow the authority of Pollux!, and believe 


that, as the dithyrambic chorus consisted ἀὴρ theory 
of fifty members, so originally the chorus of DE DAIES COP 

é . cerning a tragic 
tragedy consisted of this number. Muller? be- Chore Ot ἕναν, 
lieves that, as soon as tragedy took the tetral- eight 


ogic form, forty-eight choreutz were assigned to the tragic 
poet, and that he divided them among the plays of the tetral- 
ogy, as he thought best. If this was not the case, it must be 
believed that twelve or fifteen choreutz were assigned to the 
tragic poet, and that these men acted as chorus in each of the 
four plays of the tetralogy. The chorus, then, in the only 
extant ‘triology, the Oristeia, would have been obliged in the 
first play to take the part of old men; in the second, that of 
women; in the third, that of Furies; and, in the satyric drama 
that completed the tetralogy, that of satyrs. Theuse of masks 
would have rendered easy the counterfeiting of whatever exter- 
nal appearance was required in each individual play, yet it is 
questioned by Muller whether a singlechorus of twelve or fifteen 
men could have been found, so well trained in their art as to be 
able to successfully personate, in singing and dancing, charac- 
ters so different as were those of these four plays, or whether 
they would have had an amount of physical endurance suffi- 
cient to enable them to perform the long choral odes of all four 


i elas ee Ds 88 2 Eumenides, p. 10 sq. 


44 ‘THE ATTIC STAGE OF THE FIFTH CENTURY 


plays of the tetralogy. If it is understood that a chorus of 
forty-eight persons was assigned to the poet, and that a differ- 
ent portion of them served as chorus ineach different play, these 
difficulties are removed. The assumption that such was the 
case Muller considers strengthened by the fact that, ineach of 
the plays of this trilogy, appears besides the proper chorus of 
the play a body of men (or women) resembling the chorus of 
one of the other plays of the trilogy. Thus, in the Agamemnon, 
there appear the servants who spread the purple upon which 
the king on his arrival alights, and these servants bear a gen- 
eral resemblance to the chorus of old womenin thesecond play, 
the Chcephori. In this latter play, appear, besides the chorus 
proper, the Eumenides, the very chorus in the third play of the 
trilogy, and, finally, in the Eumenides, there appear, besides the 
chorus of Eumenides, both the female escort, which suggests the 
chorus of women in the second play, and the Council of Areo- 
pagites, who suggest thechorus of men in the first play; and it 
is noticeable that, at the close of the Eumenides, all three chor- . 
uses leave the theatre together. The body of attendants show 
their similarity to a regular chorus by singing the final ode. 
Schultz! believes that, while tragedy had the tetralogic form, 
this view of Muller is perhaps correct, but that, as soon as 
plays were presented individually, a single chorus of fifteen per- 
sons acted in turn in each of the plays of a poet. 


Nothing has been handed down to us from antiquity that 
nae Cleese is of much assistance in deciding whether the 
in the size view of Muller is correct; but it is entirely prob- 
dons caer able that, in the early days of tragedy, before 
Sophocles introduced his improvements, the poet received a 
chorus of forty-eight men. The size.of the chorus was origin- 
ally, as Pollux states, fifty. When the practice was introduced 
of presenting plays in tetralogies, we may believe that the 
number was reduced from fifty to forty-eight, thus allowing 
twelve men for each play. It would have been difficult, if not 
impossible, in these early days to secure a set of twelve men so 
well versed in their art as to be able to successfully perform all 


1 De Chori Trag. Exter., p. 38. 


THE EXTERNAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE CHORUS 45 


the dances and songs required in four different plays. In later 
times, when all parts of the drama had reached a state of per- 
fect development, it is not unlikely that the art of the choreutze 
also became so highly developed that a body of fifteen men 
could be found so well educated in dancing and singing as to be 
able to perform all the tasks required of them in four different 
plays, and we may assume that at this time thechorus assigned 
to a poet was reduced from forty-eight to fifteen. We need not 
hesitate to believe, then, that, at the time of the presentation 
of the Oresteia, a single set of fifteen men could have been 
secured capable of acting as chorus in each of the plays of the 
tetralogy. 


§2 THE POSITION OF THE CHOREUT= 


When the chorus consisted of persons who were supposed 
to come from the neighborhood, the entrance 
At its entrance 
was by the western parodos. The chorus, the chorus present- 
accordingly, in those cases presented its left side od sts left side 
‘ F τ to the spectators 
to the view of the spectators. This fact is sufh- 
ciently illustrated by the scholium to Aristides:1 ὅτε yap εἰσήεσαν 
of χοροὶ, πλαγίως βαδίζοντες ἐποιοῦντο τοὺς ὕμνους χαὶ εἶχον τοὺς θεατὰς ἐν 
ἀριστερᾷ αὐτῶν, zai οἱ πρῶτοι τοῦ yopod ἀριστερὸν ἐπεῖχον. The military 
precision with which the chorus was drawn up is shown by the 
numerous military terms used in connection with the chorus. 
ZEschylus frequently uses the word λόχος to indicate the chorus; 
in the Agamemnon,? he makes the old men of the chorus to ad- 
vance against AXgistheus with hand on sword precisely in the 
manner of λυχίται. 
. The entrance of the chorus was generally 
by the western parodos; but, in a few of the ex- The cuts ance 
τ : sometimes by the 
tant plays, it was by the eastern parodos. This eastern parodos. 
was the case in the Supplices, and the Prome- 
theus of A2schylus; in the Philoctetes of Sophocles, and in the 
Phoenisse, the Supplices, the Iphigenia in Anis, , the Bacche, 
et ea a 
and the Helena of Euripides. “" Ξ Ἂ =A SS 


OF THER abe 
a> Tis p. 535 Dind. 2 Agam., Bi s tone WE σ΄ T IT or 


46 THE ATTIC STAGE OF THE FIFTH CENTURY 


The chorus on its entrance was drawn up in one of two 
ways, as is shown by Pollux,! who says: μέρη 
The chorus δὲ yopod, στοῖχος, ξυγόν. zat τραγιχυοῦ μὲν χοροῦ, ζυγὰ 
consisted of ¥ 3 Me τ τὶ ΤΑ τ τς SNS 3 
atutyot.and ζυγά πέντε ἔχ τριῶν, χαὶ στουῖχωι τρεῖς ex πέντε. πεντεχαίδεχα 
yop ἧσαν 6 γχωρός. χαὶ χατὰ τρεῖς μὲν εἰσήεσαν, εἰ χατὰ 

ζυγὰ γίγνοιτο ἡ πάροδος, εἰ δὲ χατὰ στυίχυυς, ἀνὰ πέντε εἰσήξσαν. ὁ δὲ χω- 
μιχὺς χυρὸς τέσσαρες καὶ εἴχυσιν [7σαν]} οἱ χορευταί, Zoya ἕξ. ἕχαστον δὲ 
ζυγὺν ἐκ τεττάρων. στωΐχοι δέ τέτταρες, ξΞ ἄνδρας ἔχων ϑχαστος [στοῖχος ]. 
There were, then, of the tragic chorus of fifteen, five ranks (ζυγά) 
of three men each, and three files (στουῖχοι) of five men each, and 
of a comic chorus, six ranks of four men each, and four files of 
six men each. © 

The entrance was said to be χατὰ στουίχωυς when the members 
SUS sea ae of each stoichus werein line; and χατὰ ζυγὰ; when 
χατὰ στυίγους the members of each zugon were in line. In a 
ee aes chorus of twelve members, it follows that the 

2 stoichus contained but four men instead of five, as 
in the chorus of fifteen. 
is An entrance χατὰ στοίχους of a chorus of fifteen 
χατὰ στοίχους members entering the theatre by the western 


iar aa parodos presented the following appearance: 


θέατρον. 
al δ΄ - / LA a z 
στοῖχος @ “Ἢ , i ee Apter, or TPwToaT. 
r U , gl ἌΣ ¥ 
GTOLYUS 5 : ύ 4 i 5 λαυρυστ. or δευτερυστ. 
Υ̓ ἜΣ τσ ΞΕ ΣΕ aoe). I agape 
y / gy / 
~ U > 4 - 
στυΐγχγως ἢ ts te iY ty be ὄεξιοστ. or τριτυστ. 
tie Το ΕΣ Ane SO 2 a Sees f 
Ὃ-: = 
ee ue 
[ΟῚ {᾿ 
τος a 
Ὁ ἘΝ a τ «x 
= Ξξ x x ᾿ς 
<, =: = < i 
ΡῈ ς ye Xv > £ 


͵ 


Anentrance χατὰ ζυγὰ of a chorus of fifteen members entering 
the theatre by the western parodos presented the following 
appearance : 


1 IV.,108 and 109. 


THE EXTERNAL CHARACTERISTICS: OF THE CHORUS 41 


θέατρον 
ν ᾿ , ys’ a 
ξςὺγ. α iy i 
or t τ ὶ y ὶ The sutra ξυγά 
2UF. 7 : : arrangement 
͵ i ah Mf 
v*S, 7 ͵ Ὗ 
Be et ae} “αν 
Suny, δ' ( τα ί 
Ἶ ᾿ [2 ὲ δ΄ Σ , 
¥ ry ὃ 2 te t¢ ty 
see) + Poi) cere # 
> a > 
2 a a 
me τὸ < 


It is evident that the arrangement χατὰ στυίΐχους, a narrow 
and long formation, presented a more pleasing 
appearance, as the chorus marched in over the The χατὰ στοίχνως 
narrow and long parodos, than did the broad isan 200 
and shallow arrangement χατὰ fvya; yet we 
know from Pollux! that the zara ζυγά arrangement was some- 
times used. It was not, however, used in any of the extant 
plays of Sophocles,? but Arnold’ has shown that it was used at 
the entrance of the chorus in the Frogs of Aristophanes. 

We have no authority of ancient writers to 
tell us what position the chorus took after hat ota 
reaching the orchestra. Hermann* believes that after reaching 
at that time the chorus wheeled completely mie ocehseive 
around, so that the left file, in which was the coryphzus, came 
next to the actors. This was done that the coryphzus might 
carry on the conversation with the actors more easily than 
would have been possible if he had stood on the side of the 
chorus nearest to the audience. Arnold> maintains that the 
personal relations existing between chorus and spectators in 
comedy compelled the coryphzus to be as near as possible to 
the spectators, and that, therefore, the chorus did not wheel 
about in comedy, but that it did in tragedy. Muller® believes 
that the coryphzus stood on the thymele, thus securing an ele- 
vation above that of the remaining choreutz that rendered his 


LTV. 1 ΌΘὶ 2 Muff Chor. Tech. des Soph., p. 7. 
3 Die Chorpartien bei Aristophanes, ὃ. 35. 185. 4 Opusce., VI., 2, p.144. 
5S. Ase OC. S. 287. 6 Eumenides, p. 21. 


48 - +. THE ATTIC STAGE OF THE FIFTH CENTURY 


conversation with the actors easier than would have been pos- 
sible, if he had beenstanding on a level with the other choreutze. 
Muff! follows the opinion of Hermann in regard to tragedy, and 
that of Arnold in regard to comedy, believing that the close 
relations existing between corypheus and actor in tragedy re- 
quired the former to be in front of, not behind, the other cho- 
reute, and that the relations of coryphzeus to spectators as 
exhibited in the parabasis required him in comedy to be nearer 
to the spectators. In drawing a conclusion amid the differing 
opinions, we must be guided by what appears to have been the 
most probable arrangement. In the first place, it will be ob- 
served that the ancient authorities say nothing concerning a 
wheeling around of the chorus after it has reached the orchestra. 
With all the notices of the manner of entrance, and the arrange- 
ment of the chorus, it is not probable that, had any such ma- 
noeuvre taken place, some reference to it would not have been 

made. Again, thecoryphzus, while standing on the side of the | 
chorus next to the spectators, would have had no difficulty in 
carrying on the conversation with the actors, for the reason 
that the actorsstood in the orchestra together with thechorus? 
and not on an elevated stage, as these writers have assumed. 
.. A very serious objection to the belief in the theory that places 
the left stoichus farthest from thespectators liesin the fact that 
this stoichus wascomposed of the bestchoreute. Atthe entrance 
this file was in full view of the spectators, and it seems entirely 
improbable that, as soon as the parodos was finished, the file 


τ containing the most skillful men of the entire chorus was made 


to take a position” where it would be less prominently before 
the eyes of the spectators. 


When the chorus entered by the western parodos, the best 
choreute were in the left stoichus, and were called 

The position sels ne Ait 8 6 ’ . 
‘of the left file wl Hi tod nl tS men on the left’. The question 
when thechorus arises where these ‘men on the left’ stood, when 
πους hoa the chorus came from a distance, and, therefore 
eastern parodos : : ’ 
| entered by the eastern parodos. It is evident 
that, if they occupied the left file, they were obscured from the 


1 Chor. Tech. des Soph., p. 9. 2° Cf. chap. 3 below. 3 Cf. p. 52 below. 


‘THE EXTERNAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE CHORUS 49 


eyes of the spectators. Schneider! believes that this was the 
case, and that, when the orchestra had been reached, thechorus 
made a revolution, thus bringing the left file next to the specta- . 
tors. It is, however, unlikely that this was the case. The 
‘men on the left’ were the ‘show’ men of the chorus. If at any: : 
time they were to make a good appearance, it would seem to ‘: 
have been when they were marching in. It is probable, then, -- 
that when the chorus entered by the eastern parodos, the ‘men 
on the left’ were on the side facing the spectators, and, thus, 
were, strictly speaking, ‘men on the right.’ 

During the progress of the dialogue, the chorus generally 
was stationary. After reaching the orchestra, so 
- Ε . 5 Position 
it turned about to the right, thus changing its ofthe chorus dur- 
form from χατὰ στυίχους to χατὰ ζυγά, and, thus, it ing the dialogue 

; and the stasima 
faced the actors. During the stasima, as the 
song was accompanied by dancing, the choreutze evidently | 
were not stationary; nor is it to be thought that they now 
faced the actors. As the actors were the chief point of attrac- 
tion during the dialogue, so the choreute were the center of 
observation during the singing of the stasima. It is impossible 
to say exactly what position they took at this time; we know 
only that they were not stationary, and we may infer with 
confidence that they were not facing the actors.? 

It is probable that, at the close of the play, the chorus left 
the theatre with the same regularity of move- ; 
ment with which it had entered, at the begin- Ἔα 
ning of the play. Ina few instances, the chorus __at the close 
left the theater during the course of the play,? Slant reg ei 
and returned later. This departure was called 
μετάστασις, and the return éz:zdpodos.4 In the Septem of Ai%schy- 
lus, at the close of the play, the chorus left in two divisions, . 
one division following the body of Eteocles, the other that of : - 
Polynices. 


1 Att. Theaterwessen S. 15ff.,193ff. 2 Haigh A. T., p. 275. 
3 Eumen., 235; Ajax, 815; Helena, 327ff; Alcest., 746; Eccles, 310. 
4. Pollux IV., 108. 


50 THE ATTIC STAGE OF THE FIFTH CENTURY 


To aid the choreute in keeping their positions while stand- 
- ing in the orchestra, Hersychius says:1 γραμμαί 
ἐν τῇ ὀρχήστρα ἧσαν ὡς τὸν χυρὸν ἐν στοίχῳ ἱστασθαί, It 
is, however, better to believe with Hermann? 
that such lines were not necessary in order that a well trained 
chorus of fifteen or twenty-four persons might stand in rank 
and file. It is probable, rather, as Schultze’ suggests, that lines 
were drawn in the orchestra to serve as a guide to the choreu- 
.t# in making the various evolutions that occurred, as they 
were singing the longer choral odes. . 

When the chorus separated into semi-choruses, the cory- 
Se phzeus stood apart, and left the management of 
i Sat the semi-choruses to their own leaders.4 This 

Ar separation into semi-choruses is especially com- 
mon in comedy, where, in the last part of the parabasis, which 
was antistrophical in form, the different parts were given by 
the two semi-choruses separately.5 At this time the semi- 
choruses stood facing each other, as may be inferred from 
Aner 6 ἔστι δέ τις ἐν ταῖς χυμῳδίαις χαὶ ἡ χαλουμένη παράβασις, 


Litiés 
in the orchestra 


> 
-ο 


πειδὰν εἰσελθόντες εἰς τὸ θέατρον χαὶ ἀντιπρόσωπον ἀλλήλοις στάντες οἱ χορ- 
εὐταὶ παρέβαινωον, Theonly separation into semi-choruses in Soph- 
ocles is the one already mentioned as occurring in the Ajax.7 A 
similar division takes place in the Orestes of Euripides, where 
Electra stations the chorus in two divisions, one at the eastern, 
the other at the western parodos.8 Pollux says concerning a 
division of the chorus: za) ἡμιχὸριων δὲ, za διχορία, χαὶ ἂντιχυρία. 
ἔυιχε δὲ ταὐτὸν εἶνα: ταυτὶ τὴ τρία ὀνόματα. ὑπόταν yap 6 yopos εἰς δύο 
[μέρη] διαιρεθῇ, τὸ μὲν πρᾶγμα χαλεῖται διχορίω, ἑχατέρα δὲ μοῖρα ἡ μιχόριον. 
ἃ δ᾽ ἂντ τάδουσιν, ἀντιχορία.ϑ Pollux here makes διχορία and ἡμιχόριον 
to beof the βαπιοτηθαηΐηρ. Schultze!9 conjectures that the term 
διχορία Should be applied when the half-choruses consisted of 
persons of different ranks, or ages, or sexes, or when there was 
some other similar difference between them. He would, there- 
fore, call the division in the Birds of Aristophanes a διχυρία, for 


I., p. 855. 2 Opusc., VI., part ii., p. 145sq 

De Cho. Trag. Ext. Hab., p. 50. 4 Cf. Mat Chor. Tech. Soph., p. 13. 
Haigh A. T., p. 275. 6 14 p.131. 7 Muff Chor. Tech. Soph., Dp, ant 
SO6ff. 9 ITV.,. 107. 10 De Ch. ἔσαν. Ext., p. 52: 


ο δὴ ὃ μὰ 


THE EXTERNAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE CHORUS 51 


there the chorus consisted of twelve masculine and twelve 
feminine birds. A similar difference existed in the Phoenisse of 
Phrynichus, where half the chorus consisted of Persian old men, 
and half of Phoenician old women. There is, however, no evi- 
dence to prove that the conjecture of Schultze as to the differ- 
ences between ἡμιχύριον and διχυρία is correct. The scholiast to 
Aristophanes’ Equites (589) makes a statement. of which there 
᾿ 5 no corroboration and which it is difficult to believe: ἔστι δ᾽ 
ὅτε χαὶ ἡμιχόρια Ἰστάντο γτοῖ ἐξ ἀνδρῶν χαὶ γυναιχῶν. ἐν δὲ τοῖς τούτοις yo- 
pots, εἰ μὲν ἐξ ἀνδρῶν Ξ ἢ “OL: γυναιχῶν ὦ LOPS, ἐπ)ευνέχτει τὸ τῶν ἀνδρῶν 


οὐ νεται ἔδει Νὰ ἈΝ δ Σὺ να ΩΝ τε 
μξρως χα: ἡ σαν {. πὶ ee J OYELZES ξνοξχα. Et OF παθὼν =.7 χα! γν ἀέχῶν, at 


᾿ ry "τ er Of ~~ ᾽ 5 ἊΝ ΄ ~ ‘ , ‘ 
μὲν γυναῖχες ty 4aav, οἱ ὃὲ παῖδες τύ. εἰ δὲ πρεσβυτῶν χαὶ νέων, τοὺς πρεσ- 
΄ 4 . -- ~ ’ 
βύτας πλευνεχτεῖν δεῖν φασίν. 


The position of the coryphzus as the center of the left στοῖ- 
yos, IN A chorus of fifteen members, is indicated acne 
by the title of τρέτυς, or μέσος, δριστερυὺῦ that is ap- of the corypheus 
plied to him. Photius says: Συνέβαινεν οὖν τὸ μέ- selie toirenb hte 
Gov τοῦ ἀριστεροῦ στυΐίχυυ τὴν ἐντιμοτάτην z% tT AL It is aah 
evident that the middle position was occupied by the coryphe- 
us, and in the title τρίτος ἀριστεροῦ is additional evidence that the 
usual entrance of the chorus was χατὰ στοίχους, for it is not prob- 
able that in a χατὰ ζυγά entrance, the position of the coryphzus 
was τρίτος, The position of the coryphzus in a χατὰ στυίχους for- 
mation was that indicated by “γ᾿ in the diagram on page 46. 
In a χατὰ ξυγά formation of a chorus of fifteen, the position of 
the corypheus was no doubt that indicated by Ἢ δ᾿ in the dia- 
gram. Here the title μέσος is applicable to him, though not the 
title of τρίτους. 

When a chorus of twelve members was drawn up χατὰ στού- 
gous, the left στοῖχος appeared thus: 


δ΄ γ τ' « The position 

——} —} —=—} 4 of the coryphzeus 

There is here no μέσους ἀρίστεροῦ, and Schultze? ones 
leaves it undecided whether the coryphzus oc- 

cupied the position 7 or;. Itis probable that Muff is corrects 


in claiming his position as 7, and this because of the relation 


1 S.V. τρίτὺς ἀρίστερυῦ. 2 De Ch. Trag. Ext., p. 44. 
2 Chor. Tech. des Soph., p. 13. 


52 THE ATTIC STAGE OF THE FIFTH CENTURY 


existing between the corypheus and his two παραστάται, Aris- 
totle! likens the relation that existed between coryphzeus and 
parastates to that existing between man and slave, or even to 
that existing between man and wife. He, also,calls the one of 
these parastatai that was of inferior rank τριτοστάτης. 2 These 
men doubtless stood one in front of, the other in the rear of, the 
coryphzeus, when the chorus marched in, taking the positions 
β΄ and 0 in a χατὰ στυίχυυς formation of a chorus of fifteen. Their 
duties were to assist the coryphzus, and, at a division of the 
chorus, to act as leaders of the two semi-choruses. In achorus 
of twelve men, Muff believes that there was but one parastates, 
and that, at a division of the chorus, the coryphzeus acted 
as leader of one semi-chorus, the parastates as leader of the 
other. As the rank of the coryphzus was higher than that 
of the parastates, it was the duty of the former to set the ex- 
ample for the latter to follow. This could be done more easily 
if the parastates was behind the corypheus, and, accordingly, 
as thechorus of twelve members drawn up χατὰ στοίχους marched 
in, the position of the coryphzus was, doubtless, that indicated 
by β΄, that of his parastates, the position indicated by γ΄, onthe 
diagram given on the preceding page. 


§3 THE NAMES OF THE CHOREUTAz 


The five choreute in the left file, as the chorus of fifteen 
marched in by the western parodos, were called 


Their names ἀριστερυστάται, Or zpwrvatdzat.3 The five in the right 
derived from ἐξ i ‘ 
take eels file were called δεξευστάται or τριτυστάξαι, The five 


in the middle file were called λαυρυστάται, ‘men in 
the lane,’ or dzvtepoctdza:.4 Those in the middle file were called 
also ὑπυχόώλπιωι: ὑποχόώλπιον τοῦ χοροῦ! τὴς στάσεως γῶραι αἱ ἄτιμος 5 
The men at the ends (4, -΄, «ά, εέ, ¢, ¢) are called φιλεῖς by Suidas: 
ἐπ᾿ ἄχρου yopud ἱστάμενος 36 and by Hesychius: of ὕστατοι χορξύοντες 37 
and they are called χρασπεδίται by Plutarch: ὥσπερ χοροῦ, τοῦ σὺμ- 


πυσίυυ TOY χρασπεδίτην τῷ χυρυφαίῳ συνήχουν ἔχοντος. 8 


Polit., 111., 4. 2 Metaph., IV., 11 3 Cf. diagram p. 46 above. 
Poll., ii., 161; iv., 106. Phot. v. λαυρυστάται : Hesych. v. ἀριστερυστάτης. 


Hesych., II.,p.1471. 6 v. qgtdeig, 7 v. λείῳ, 8 Conv., p. 678D. 


> 


σι 


THE EXTERNAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE CHORUS 53 


The corypheus had several titles. Thus, he was called τρί 
tos, μέσυς ἀριστεροῦ, as has been pointed out. He 
was called also ἡγεμών τοῦ Zopod, ἄρχων χοροῦ, ἐξώρ- 
χων, and ἔξαρχος, as well as zopugaios.2 Sommer- 
brodt thinks that the titles χυρολέχτης and χυρυποιός apply to the 
corypheus.3 It is, however, better to believe with Schultze,4 
and with Muff,5 that these titles refer rather to the trainer. 
The coryphzus was called also χυρυστάτης.Θ. This word signifies, 
etymologically, one that arranges the chorus, and, therefore, 
is not strictly applicable to the corypheus. The word is prob- 
ably a survival from early days. Schultze7 believes that after 
the ὑπυδιδάσχαλυς Was appointed to aid the poet in training the 
chorus, for a time he assumed some of the duties of the cory- 
pheeus, that he was called χυρουστάτης from his functions of 5zo- 
διδάσχαλος, and that the title γχυρυστάτης came afterwards to 
be applied to the coryphzus, when his duties were not per- 
formed by the ὑποδιδάσχαλος, 


The titles 
of the coryphzus 


A passage in Athenzeus shows that the choregus also in 
early days performed the duties of the coryphe- 


δ ‘ - - x The choregus 
us: ἐχάλυυν δὲ χαὶ χυρηγοὺς any ὥσπερ vor τοὺς μισθυὺ- eu 


as coryphzus 
Ν \ ssh 8 \ ~ ~ 
μένους τοὺς YOPOVS, ἀλλ τοὺς χαθηγουμένους TOD YOUPO, 


χαθώπερ αὐτὸ τοὔνομα onpatvet 8 : 
In the earliest times, the poets themselves trained their 
choruses. Thespis, Pratinas, Cratinas and 
P ᾿ ; The poet as trainer, 
Phrynichus are said by Athenzeus® to have ex- the choremas; 
celled in training choruses. The choregus was the ὑποδιδάσχαλος 
. F - as corypheus. 
in theseearly times also coryphzeus, as is proved 
by the passage just quoted from Athenzeus, and also by Suidas, 
who speaks of the choregus as: χορηγός 6 τοῦ yopud ἡγούμενος xan 
δοτήρ. When the professional. trainer was appointed to aid the 
poet in-training the chorus, the latter still exercised a supervi- 
sion over the work, as is shown by the words of Photius :10 5zo- 
διδάσχαλυς 6 τῷ χυρῷ χαταλέγων" διδάσχαλως δὲ αὐτὸς ὁ ποιήτης ὡς “A prato- 


φάνης. The choregus, it may be assumed, abandoned his duty 


Cf. Muff Chor. Tech. des Soph., p. 7f. 2 Schol. Arist., Plut., 953, 954. 
S. 13 ff. 4 De Chor. Trag. Ext., p. 47. & Chor, Tech: p. 8. 
Himerius Orat., IX., §3. 7 De Chor. Trag., p. 48. 8 XIV., 633b. 
Dee 10 p. 627, 10. 


OCAWH 


54 THE ATTIC STAGE OF THE FIFTH CENTURY 


of actitig as coryphzeus, when the ὑποδιδάσχαλος was appointed, 
and subsequently the latter also abandoned the task of cory- 
phzus, devoting his time entirely to the training of the chorus, 
and leaving the functions of the coryphzus to be performed by 
that person himself. 

The choreutz in the left file, inasmuch as they were in the 
Seo most conspicuous position, one could believe to 
ofthe choreute have been the best looking and most skillful 
varies men in the chorus, even if special mention of this 
in different files : . 

fact were not made by ancient writers.1 The 
choreutz in the third file came next in point of skill. If at any 
time the chorus wheeled completely around, these men came di- 
rectly before the audience, and so it was necessary that they be 
inferior only to the choreutze in the first file. *Those in the sec- 
ond file were the poorest. They were the least exposed to the 
eyes of both actors and spectators. This fact is sufficiently 


shown by Photius :? μέσων τοῦ yopod* viuvel yap ἐν στενωπῷ εἰσιν φαῦὺ- 
hotspot δὲ οὗτοι, and by Hesychius :3 λαυρυστάται οἱ ἐν τοῖς μέσοις 
ξυγοὶ (ζυγοῖς 9) ὄντες ἕν τισι στενωποῖς μὴ θεωρούμενος of δὲ χείρους μέσοι 


ἵσταν. 
$4 A SECONDARY CHORUS 


Whatever the choregus provided besides the regular chorus 
was called παραχυρήγημα, This might include per- 
sons who appeared as mute characters, or per- 
sons who said a few words only, or a secondary 
chorus. If it was necessary for words to be either sung or 
spoken by persons out of sight of the spectators, these persons 
were called παρασχήνια, In some cases, these persons could be 
either members of the regular chorus or actors. At other times, 
such could not be the case, and then they came under the head 
of παραχυρήγημα, and, as the derivation of the word indicates, 
they were supplied by the choregus.4 


TAPAYOPGY YG. 
παρασχήντον, 


1 Cf. Schol. Aristides, quoted p. 45 above. δον λαυρυστάται. 
3.ϑΟ II., p. 484. 4 Cf. Haigh A. T., p. 2121. 


THE EXTERNAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE CHORUS 55 


There are five passages in which the word παραχυρήγησα oc- 
curs. Four of them are scholia; the other is a 
passage in Pollux.! The first and second of the — Passages where 
scholia refer to mute persons as parachoregema, Heer ie 
the third designates a secondary chorus by this 
title, and the fourthapplies the word to persons who say a few 
words. The passage in Pollux says that whenever a choreutes 
sings in place of a fourth actor, he is called παρασχήντον, but that 
when he speaks he is called παραχυρήγημα, This statement does 
not agree with the statements of the scholia, and is, doubtless, 
an error on the part of Pollux. The inaccuracy of the passage 
in Pollux is still further shown by the statement in it concern- 
ing a παρασχήντον in the Agamemnon, while in that play no para- 
skenion exists. 

As instances of paraskenia in comedy, may be mentioned 
the chorus of frogs in the Frogs, and the chorus SME 
of Agathon in the Thesmophoriazuse.? The παρασχήνια 
regular choruses in these two plays had not yet casas 

παραχορηγημάτα 
appeared, and 50, ἀοα 1655, they took the parts  “" 
of these special choruses. But an additional chorus was need- 
ed in the Wasps,? where the chorus of boys appeared at the 
same time as the regular chorus; and, in the Lysistrata, four 
choruses appear at the same time. In tragedy, in the Hyppo- 
lytus,* the chorus of huntsmen after singing an ode to Artemis 
march out, and the chorus of women, the regular chorus of the 
play, at once appear. In the Eumenides, an additional chorus 
is present during a great part of the play. In these two ex- 
amples from tragedy, then, as well as in the Wasps and the Ly- 
sistrata from comedy, we have examples of choruses coming 
under the definition of parachoregema. 


$5 THE CHOREGUS. 


As a part of the Dionysiac entertainments, were the con- 
tests between dithyrambic choruses. There 
were five choruses composed of boys, and five 
composed of men. Each of the ten tribes of 


The appointment 
of the choregus 


1 Scholia to Prom.; 12; Eumen., 573; Frogs, 209; Pax, 114; Poll., IV., 109. 
2 Ran., 209; Thesm., 104. 3. Vesp., 248. 4 Hipp., 61. 


56 THE ATTIC STAGE OF THE FIFTH CENTURY 


Athens was represented by one of these ten choruses. The vic- 
tory of the chorus was considered a victory for the tribe. 
With these dithyrambic contests, we have nothing here to do. 
The dramatic contests, though they were under the supervision- 
of the State, were contests between individuals. The poet, the 
choregus, the chorus were taken from Athens at large, and not 
fromany particulartribe. In early times, the contests included 
only poets and choregi; afterwards actors also were included in 
the contests. The success or failure of a play was due in great 
measure to the manner in which the choregus performed his 
duties. The poets were appointed by the archon; the plays 
were submitted to him and it was his judgement that deter- 
mined what plays had sufficient merit to warrant their presen- 
tation at the Dionysiac festival. The choregus also was 
appointed by the archon.1 The succession of the office of cho- 
regus was determined by law; each wealthy citizen was required 
in his turn to take this duty; but an unusually public-spirited 
man could take this office oftener than the law required, if 
he so desired. In aspeech of Lysias,? the defendant states 
that he has been choregus to eight choruses innine years. This 
duty was liable to be given to acitizen as soon as he had reached 
his twentieth year, though a choregus to a chorus of boys must 
have reached his fortieth year. The manner in which choregi 
and poets were brought togetiier has not been handed down 
us by the ancient authorities. We know only that the archon 
selected them. Demosthenes‘ describes the manner in which, in 
the dithyrambic contests, the flute-players were assigned to the 
choregi by lot, and from this it may be assumed as not unlike- 
ly that asimilar manner was adopted in assigning the poets to 
to the choregi. The importance to the contending poet that he — 
have a liberal choregus, as well as the importance to the chore- 
gus that he be associated with a talented poet, made it neces- 
sary that choregus and poet be brought together in some way 
that avoided all appearance of partiality; and this could have 
been done in no way better than by assigning to the choregi, 
the poets by lot. 


1 Demos. Meid., §13. 2. Orat XXI., §$1-5. 3 schin. Timarch., 8811, 12. 
4 Meid., §§13, 14. 


THE EXTERNAL CHARACTERISTICS UF THE CHORUS 57 


After actor, poet and choregus had been brought together, 
it remained for these three persons to prepare 
the play for presentation. The choregus had, iu 
general, nothing to do with the actors, nor did 
he train the chorus. His main duties were to select the mem- 
bers of the chorus, care for them during their term of training, 
and pay them for their services. He had, also, at times to pro- 
vide a few accessories of the play. He provided a room in 
which they were to practice!, which was called διδασχαλεῖον,2 or 
yopnyziov.8 More is known concerning the relations existing 
between the dithyrambic choregus and his chorus than con- 
cerning the similar relations in the dramatic performances. In 
the former instance, it is related of the choregus in Antiphon’s 
speech that he lodged his chorus of boys in his own house dur- 
ing the entire term of training. This could hardly have been 
done in case of a dramatic chorus. Here the chorus consisted 
of persons drawn from the whole State, and Aristotleremarks* 
that a tragic and a comic chorus often consisted of the same 
persons. It may, therefore, be inferred that a class of profes- 
sional singers arose, and that they were often at the same time 
under engagement by more than one choregus. There is, how- 
ever, no doubt that the choregus attended to ‘the personal 
wants of his chorus during the time of their engagement. Plu- 
tarch mentions certain delicacies of diet that the choregus 
provided for his chorus.® 

The chief expense that the choregus had to bear was the 
hire of the chorus during theentire term of train- 
ing. After the custom had become established 
of having an instructor apart from the poet, the 
choregus paid for his services. Whether the choregus paid for 
the services of the flute-player cannot be stated with certainty. 
He had, also, to pay for the dresses of the choreutz, and there 
was here ample opportunity for indulging an extravagant 
taste. Demosthenes® supplied his chorus of men with crowns 
of gold. Itis, however, related that choregi sometimes went 


The duties 
of the choregus 


The expenses 
of the choregus 


1. Xen. Hiero, IX., 4. 2 Antiphon Orat., VI., §11. 5. Bekk. Anecd.,'p. 72, 17. 
4 Pol., ΤΙ,,, 3. 5 Οἷον. Athen., 349 B. 6 Demos. Meid., §16. 


58 THE ATTIC STAGE OF THE FIFTH CENTURY 


to the opposite extreme, and supplied their choruses with sec- 
ond-hand dresses.1 The choregus had to supply, also, those 
various persons coming under the head of παραχυρήγημα,2 and to 
pay for the dresses of such persons. That the choregus supplied 
these extra persons is proved by the story related by Plutarch? 
of a tragic actor who was to take the part of a queen, but 
refused todo so, unless the choregus supplied him with a numer- 
ous band of attendants. The scenery was generally the prop- 
erty of the theatre, but if any special kind of scenery was 
needed, it is probable that the choregus had to pay forit. A 
choregus who was inclined to be liberal could easily spend a 
large sum of money in fulfilling the duties of his office, and it 
was especially easy to do so because of the intense rivalry that 
existed between different choregi. Demosthenes* says that men 
often spent all their money in equipping choruses, and5 that 
more money was spent upon the festivals than upon anaval ex- 
pedition. The defendant in a speech of Lysias® states that he 
spent upon a tragic chorus thirty mine, upon a comic chorus 
sixteen mine, and upon a chorus of boys fifteen minz, while a 
chorus of men cost him fifty mine. Lysias tells,’ also, of a cer- 
tain man who spent fifty minz upon two tragic choruses. 

The successful choregus in a dithyrambic contest received 
ἀμ ta APA from the State a tripod, which he erected in 
concerning some prominent place upon a monument upon 
ising Paap which his victory was recorded.8 The success- 
ful choregus in a dramatic contest received no such prize, but, 
at the close of the. contest, after the victory had been pro- 
claimed by the herald, both the victorious poet and his choregus. 
were crowned with garlands of ivy by the archon, in the pres- 
ence of the spectators’. It was customary, also, for the chore-. 
gus to erect a monument commemorating his victory. On the 
monument was inscribed merely the names of the poet, the 
choregus, and the archon for the year. In the procession that 
took place on the first day of the festival, the choregus appeared. 
Demosthenes says!° that when he was choregus, he wore a 


Poll., VIL., 78. 2 Cf. p. 54 above. 3 Phocion, Ch. XIX. 4 Meid., 61 
Phillip, I., §35. 6 Orat., X XI., §§1-5. 7 Orat. XIX., §29, 42. 

Demosth. Meid., §5; Lysias, Orat. X XI., §2. 9 Aristid., vol. ii., p. 2 Dindf.. 
Meid., §10. 


ona 


THE EXTERNAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE CHORUS 59 


crown and a mantle that had been made especially to wear on 
that occasion. At the Proagon, appeared together with the 
poets and actors also the choregi. All of these persons wore 
crowns, but did not wear masks or stage-dresses. At the ban- 
_ quet given by the successful poet, there were present many of 
his friends, and it is entirely likely that the choregus was 
included among the guests, though there is no definite inform- 
ation to that effect. The persons of the participants at the 
Dionysiac festivals were regarded as sacred. Poets, actors, 
chorus, choregi were all considered as servants of the god 
Dionysus, and an offense against any one of these was an 
offense against the god himself. Demosthenes who, as chore- 
gus, was struck by Meidias, considered that not only he but 
the whole city of Athens had been insulted. The greatest 
statesmen were proud of winning victories as choregi, yet it 
seems that at times the choregus was too economical, or 
neglected his duties, and in such cases, it was the part of the 
archon to urge him to the proper fulfillment of his task.1 

In the year 406 B. C., a law was passed at Athens provid- 
ing that each dramatic chorus at the City 
Dionysia should have twochoregi.? This reduc- 
tion of expenses to theindividual was necessitat- 
ed by the cramped financial condition of the citizens caused by the 
Peloponnesian war. Desmosthenes relates? that in his time 
the tribe of Pandionis for two years was unable to supply a 
choregus for a dithyrambic chorus. The law of 406 may sub- 
sequeutly have been repealed, for single individuals are again 
found as choregi to tragic choruses. At about the beginning 
of the third century, the choregia was abolished, and an officer 
called ἀγωνοθέτης was appointed by the State,* whose duty it 
was to provide all the choruses, the expenses being borne by the 
State. Hewouldhavetodo mostly with dithyrambic choruses, 
as at this time the chorus had practically disappeared from 
comedy, and it is probable that the chorus of tragedy was not 
retained with its former splendor. 


The decline 
of the choregia 


1 Xen. Hiero, ΙΧ. 4. 2 Demos, Meid., §13. 
3 Lysias, Orat., ΧΙΧ.. §§29, 42; Demos. "Meid., §156. 
4 Corp. Inscr. Gr., 225, 226; Corp. Inscr. Att., 11., 302, 307, 314, 331. 


60 _ THE ATTIC STAGE OF THE FIFTH CENTURY 


§6 THE DELIVERY OF THE CHORAL PARTS. 


The words of the chorus were delivered sometimes in song, 
sometimes in recitative, and sometimes in ordi- 

The parodoi nary speech. At times they were delivered by 
the whole chorus, at other times by parts of the 

chorus, and, again, at times by individual choreute. In the 
parodos, the whole chorus generally took part. Aristotle’s 
definition of the parodos is: πάροδος μὲν ἡ πρώτη λέξις ὅλου 
χοροῦ, and, apart from any evidence of ancient writers, it 
is easily seen that the first appearance of the chorus would be 
rendered more effective in the sight of the spectators, if all the 
members joined in the opening song. The difference between 
the parodos and the stasimon consisted in this, that the 
former was sung as the chorus was approaching the orches- 
tra, the latter was sung by the chorus while it was in the 
orchestra; and, again, that the parodos commonly explained 
the presence of the chorus and its sympathy with the action of 
the play, the stasimon expressed the sympathy of the chorus 
as it had been developed by the course of the play. In some 
instances, the opening song of the chorus was not sung by the 
whole chorus. The chorus in the Alcestis of Euripides at its 
entrance is divided into two half-choruses, which sing alter- 
nately. The Scholium to Alcestis (79) says: & γερόντων φεραίων 
6 yopos, διαιρεῖται δὲ εἰς δύω ὑἡμιχόρια. In the Ion, the parodos is 
sung by parts of the chorus. In the Frogs of Aristophanes, in 
the middle of the parodos? occurs a set of anapzests which 
were spoken by the coryphzus, as may be inferred from the 
concluding words: ὑμεῖς 0 ἀνεγείρετε μολπήν x, τ΄ 4., in which the 
chorus is ordered to proceed with the song. In the Cdipus 
Coloneus of Sophocles, Muff? believes that the parodos was 
sung by individual members of the chorus; and the same 
was no doubt the case in the first part of the Eumenides of 
ZEschylus where the words: χυρὺὸν d¢wpye+ indicate that the 
chorus has reached its regular position in the orchestra. The 
remaining part of the parodos was, doubtless, sung by the. 
whole chorus. In some of the older tradgedians, the parodos 


if (Poel. er was 2 Vs. 354-371. 3 Chor. Tech., p. 16. 4 V. 307. 


THE EXTERNAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE CHORUS 6L 


begins with a series of anapzsts. In these parodi, as, 6. 9. in 
those of the Supplices and the Perse, Richter! infers that the 
anapests were recited by the corypheus, and that the whole 
chorus began only where the anapeests ceased, but it is impos- 
sible to prove that such was the case, and the conclusion re- 
mains that, except in a few instances, the parodos was recited 
by the whole chorus. 


Aristotle states that the stasima, as well as the parodos, 
belonged to the whole chorus: χοριχόν, χαὶ τούτου 
TO μὲν πάροδος TO δὲ στάσιμον, χοινὰ μὲν ἁπάντων ταῦτα The stasima 
zt. 2,2 As the parodos occurred at the opening 
of the play, so the stasima occurred, as the derivation of the 
word indicates, while the chorus was standingin the orchestra. 
Aristotle says? that the stasima should contain neither ana- 
pests nor trochees, tv'o metres that, on account of their march- 
ing rhythm, are suited to the parodos, but not to the stasima. 
Thestasima divide tragedy into parts that correspond to what 
in modern plays are called ‘acts.’ Horace® asserts that the 
play should have neither fewer or more than five acts, but this 
rule is not observed by the tragedians. Thus, the Philoctetes 
has but one stasimon, and so has three acts, counting the pro- 
logue as one act; while the Antigone has seven stasima, and so 
has more than five acts. Stasima are introduced when the ac- 
tion of the play has reached a point that necessitates the reflec- 
tions upon the conditions of affairs by the chorus. In the 
Agamemnon, the stasimon ending with verse 1033 is the last 
one, the remaining 641 verses constituting the last act. The 
prophecies contained in this stasimon so closely coincide with 
their fulfillment by the death of Agamemnon, and the emotions 
they excite are so little tranquilizing that there is no opportun- 
ity for another stasimon. Likewise, in the CEdipus Coloneus, 
the first general song of the chorus (i. e. the parodos) does not 
occur until verse 668, before this time the chorus being too full 
of horror at the fate of G2dipus to sufficiently compose itself to 
sing a long song discerning the hand of an overruling power.* 


1 Die Altgriech. Trag., p. 11. 2. Ῥοῦδί., ὁ. 12. 
3 Ars Poet., 189f.: Neve minor, neu sit quinto preductior actu | Fabula, etc. 
4 Muller, Lit. Gr.. vol. 1, p. 413. 


62 THE ATTIC STAGE OF THE FIFTH CENTURY 


It is, doubtless, safe to follow the authority of Aristotle, and 
assign the stasima to the whole chorus. It is not probable 
that the effect of these important songs would be lessened by 
having them sung by parts of the chorus; yet it is sometimes 
suggested that such was the case. Thus Richter! believes that 
the strophe was sung by one semi-chorus, the antistrophe by 
the other, and the epode by the whole chorus, but epodes are 
rare, and there is not the least evidence that the stasima were 
thus sung. 


There is a third kind of song in which the whole chorus 
PES Ss took part. This includes those shorter songs 
by the whole which come, not like the stasima at pauses in 
cari the action, but during the course of the dia- 
logue. They are expressly distinguished from the stasima by 
the scholium to Sophocles’ Trachinize (216): τὸ γὰρ μελιδάριον οὐχ ᾿ 
ἔστι στάσιμον, ἀλλ᾽ ὑπὸ τῆς ἡδονῆς ὀρχοῦνται. They are frequently used 
to express strong but transitory emotions, and, as such, are 
designated as hyporchemes. They were united with dances 
more animated than the ordinary tragic dance (ἐμμελέα.}2 


The choral parts thus far considered are those in which, in 
general, many voices take part. There are 
many instances in which the parts assigned to 
the chorus were not taken by the chorus as a 
whole, but either by its leader, or by individual choreute. 
When the chorus, in the course of the dialogue, carried on a 
conversation with the actors, it is reasonable to believe, though 
there is no direct evidence to prove it, that the coryphzeus 
acted as spokesman of the chorus. The chorus at these times 
is but an actor. Other instances are mentioned by Haigh? in 
which it is probable that the coryphzus spoke for the chorus. 
These are the anapests at the ends of choral songs in tragedy 
by which the approach of an actor is announced, and which, if 
delivered in recitative, would form a gentle transition between 
the song that just precedes, and the speech that follows; the 
anapeests with which many Greek plays end; the anapestic 


Words spoken 
by the coryphzus 


1 Die Altgriech. Trag., p.13. 
2 ARs. Sup., 418-437; Trachin., 205-225; Ajax, 693-717, furnish ἐς αν ν σον of this 
kind of song. 3 -Att. Th., p. 279. 


THE EXTERNAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE CHORUS 63 


tetrameters in comedy, including the speech to the people at the 
beginning of the parabasis ; speeches like the one in the Frogs ;1 
and words of exhortation, or remonstrance, that were at times 
addressed to the rest of the chorus.? In these instances we | 
may reasonably believe that the coryphzus alone spoke. 

’ There are other instances, in which there is much doubt as 
to the mode of delivery. Aristotle says: ἔδια δὲ 
τὰ ἀπὸ τῆς σχηνῆς χαὶ χόμμοι zx τ, A Whether ‘dca Commoi 
is to be understood as referring to individuals, 
or to groups, may be a question of doubt, yet it is evident that 
the authority of Aristotle assigns the commoi to persons other 
than the whole chorus. Thecommos 15 a favorite with A/schy- 
lus more than with the other tragedians. In the Perse, it 
forms the entire exodus. Beyond the statement of Aristotle, 
that the whole chorus did not take part in the commos, we 
have no information on the subject. 

There are still other instances in which it is jenna to 
determine the methods of delivery. These are τον See: 
instances in which the chorus is agitated by a ibn MS 
violent emotions, and in which various state- in certain doubt- 

ἀκ res ful instances 
ments are expressed, often contradicting or re- 
peating what has already been said. Muller® cites certain in- 
stances in which he recognizes the voices of choreutz speaking 
individually, and this opinion is shared by Muff.6 Thescholium 
to the Septem (97) bears upon this question: ταῦτα δέ τινες τῶν 
ἑτέρας φασίν. Our information on the 
subject, however, is so limited that it may be well to leave it 
undecided how the choral parts in such cases were sung; -yet in 
two instances it-seems easy to distinguish the voices of indi- 
vidual choreutz. These are the words spoken by the Erinyes 
in the Eumenides’ at their first appearance; and the words of 
the choreuté in the Agamemnon at the time of the murder of 
the king. 


τοῦ yopod γυναιχῶν πρὸς τὰς 


1 Cf. p. 60 above. 2 δ. 5., Ran., a ; Vesp., 1516. So Poet. chal? 

4 907-1076. 5) Lat. ‘Gry vol. be ~ 4:14, Instances cited are: Eumen., 140- 0 Ey Ge 
254-275, 777-792, 836-846 ; Theb., 78- 181: Sup., 1019-1074. 

6 Chor. Tech. des Soph., p. 1556. τ᾽ 140}. 8 1344ff. 


64 THE ATTIC STAGE OF THE FIFTH CENTURY 


In comedy the parodoi are never so long as in tragedy, nor 
are they so complicated in structure. The sta- 
The parabasis sima, also, are not so long, nor do they, like the 
tragic stasima, serve to elevate the minds of the 
spectators to a calm consideration of the action of the play. 
This deficiency in stasimon is compensated for by an element 
peculiar to comedy, the parabasis. Like the stasimon, it was 
introduced at a pause in the action, and in Aristophanes the 
favorite place for it is at the point in the play where a crisis 
seems inevitable. The complete parabasis consisted of three 
parts. The first part is that in which the chorus, which up to 
that point had been facing the proscenium, turned about, and 
advanced toward thespectators. Thisis the parabasis proper. 
It usually consisted of anapzstic tetrameters, at times mixed 
with other long verses. It began with a short opening song 
called χομμάτιον, and ended with a long anapeestic system called — 
πνῖγος, or μαχρόν, In this, the parabasis proper, the poet spoke 
of his own affairs, extolled his own merits and derided his rivals, 
the second part of the parabasis was a lyric song addressed to 
some one of the gods. Following this came the third part, the 
ἐπίῤῥημα, which was in trochaic verses of which there should 
regularly be sixteen, which contained some reproach against 
the city, or some complaint, and which was in some way con- 
nected with the subject of the play. Both the lyric song and 
the ἐπέῤῥημα were repeated antistrophically. There is incomedy 
a licensein all its parts, and this is seen in the parabasis, which 
in some plays is divided into two parts, the anapestical intro- 
duction being separated from the lyrical song, asin the Peace, 
the Frogs and the Knights. In the Knights, there is even a 
second parabasis, but without the anapestical introduction; 
and in the Lysistrata, the Plutus, and the Ecclesiazuse 
the parabasis is omitted.1 


1 Muller Lit. Gr., vol. ii., p.13sq. Schol. Aristoph. Equit., 503. 


THE EXTERNAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE CHORUS 65 


§7 THE COSTUME OF THE CHOREUT: 


The choreutz were dressed nearly like persons in ordinary 
life. As only men took the parts either of ac- Reeth, ie 
tors or of choreutz, it was necessary thatmasks _ of the choreutz 
be used in the latter instance, as in the former.} ichbibee si 
ΠΑ kind of shoe, χρηπές, is said to have been invented by Sopho- 
cles for the use of the chorus.2 The dress was at times varied 
to suit the circumstances of individual plays. Thus, the chorus 
of suppliant women in the Supplices of Euripides wore black 
garments: χουραὶ δὲ χαὶ πεπλώματ᾽ οὐ θεωριχά, and carried in their 
hands branches, as a sign of supplication: ἱχτῆρι θαλλῷ προσπίτ- 
νουσ᾽ ἐμὸν γόον:8 and the chorus of maidens in the Choephori 
were dressed in black: τίς ποθ᾽ ἥδ᾽ ὁμήγυρις 
pehazzivors.* In the Supplices of A®schylus, the daughters of 
Danaus were evidently dressed in foreign garb: Ποδαπὸν ὅμιλον 
τὸνδ᾽ ἀνελληνόστολον πέπλοισι βαρδάροισι χαὶ πυχνώμασι | χλέοντα5 The 
old men in the chorus of the Agamemnon carried staffs: σχήπ- 
tpots ἰσόπαιδα νέμοντες 36 and thesame fact occurred in the Hercules 
Furens: ἀμφὶ βάχτροις ἔρεισμα θέμενος. 1 The chorus in the Bac- 
chee carried tambourines in their hands: αἔρεσϑε τἀπιχώρι᾽ ἐν πόλει 
φρυγῶν | τύμπανα.8 The chorus of the Eumenides was of an excep- 
tional character: μέλαιναι δ᾽ ἐς τὸ πᾶν βδελύχτρυποι,9 and the terror 
caused to the spectators by the appearance of such an unusual 
chorus is mentioned by Pollux.1° 

While in the old comedy the dress of the choreutz was, in 
general, that of ordinary life, there were still aa aaa 
greater variations from that type than there οὔέμε choreute 
were in tragedy. Aristophanes, in the Clouds,!1 a ai 
claims credit for having, in that play, laid aside not only the 
comic dance (χόρδαξ), but also various indecencies of costume. 
The dance in comedy was always wild, as compared with the 
dignified and stately dance of tragedy (ἐμμελία), and to allow 
the freedom of movement needed for this dance the mantle was 
laid aside: ἀλὴ ἀποδύντες τοῖς ἀναπαίστοις ἐπίωμεν.12 τῶν θ᾽ ἱματίων azo- 


στείχει γυναικῶν φάρεσιν 


1 Pausanias, I., 28. 6. 2 Vit. Soph. 3 Eurip. Sup., 97; 10. 

4 Choeph., 10f. 5 Es. Sup., 234ff. 6 Agam., 75. 7 Herc. Fur., 108f. 
8 Bacche, 58f. 9 Eumen., 52. 10° Poll; FVi; £LO. 11 6576. 

12 Aristoph. Acharn., 627. 


66 THE ATTIC STAGE OF THE FIFTH CENTURY 


δύσας.1 The masks, as befitted comedy, were of a ludicrous de- 
sign.2 In many of the plays of the comic poets, the chorus rep- 
resented animals, as in the Birds and the Wasps of Aristoph- 
anes, and in similar plays of Eupolis and Magnes. The only in- 
formation that we have concerning the costume in these cho- 
ruses is derived from vase-paintings, which indicate that the 
resemblance of the choreutz to the animals was of but a very 
general character. Astill different kind of play was the Clouds 
of Aristophanes, the Seasons of Cratinus, and the Towns and 
Cities of Eupolis. Concerning the first of these plays we know 
from two scholia to the Clouds that the only resemblance to 
clouds lay in the bright color of the dresses, and that in the 
masks there were various ludicrous devices. The first scholium 
is to verse 289: μέλλει δέ τὰς Negéhas γυναιχομόρφους εἰσάγειν, ἐσθῆτι 
ποιχίλῃ χρωμένας, ἵνα τὰ τῶν οὐρανίων φυλάττωσι σχήματα, The second 
scholium is to verse 344: εἰσεληλύθασι γὰρ of τοῦ yopod προσωπεῖα 
περιχείμενοι μεγάλας ἔχοντα ῥῖνας χαὶ ἄλλως γελοῖα χαὶ ἀσχήμονα. 

The costume of the satyrs in a satyric drama is 
The costume sufficiently illustrated on vase paintings. It 
of the choreutz Ἐ . 
in the satyr-drama COnsisted of merely a goat-skin around the loins 

with a tail hanging down behind and the 
phallus. 


1 Aristoph. Thesmoph., 656. 2 Schol. Clouds, 344. ° 3 Haigh Att. Th., p. 265. 


CHAPTER III 


THE STAGE 


CONTENTS 
§$1 Alleged Evidence in Favor of the Stage: 


The statements of Vitruvius and Polftx concerning the Greek 
stage. 
Five passages from Aristophanes claimed as evidence of astage. 
The scholium on the Knights. 
The explanation of Suidas. 
The interpretation of the two scholia. 
ἀναβαίνειν in the passage from the Knights has really no 
force. 
χαταβαίνειν in the fourth passage is used imebaphorically, 


ἀνα-χατα-βαίνειν in other writers. 
The commands in the five passages are to actors who have 
just entered. 
The five passages furnish no evidence of a stage. 
A passage in the Birds claimed to supply evidence of a stage. 


A passage in the Lysistrata claimed to supply evidence of a 
stage. 


A passage in the Supplices ( 42s.) claimed to supply evidence of 
a stage. 


A passage in the Peace claimed to supply evidence of a stage. 


Passages in which it is claimed that the chorus withdrew close 
to the wall of the stage: 


(1) Choephori, 872ff. 
(2) Hercules Furens, 1081ff. 
(3) Ecclesiazusez, 496ff. 
(4) Acharnians, 239f. 
The entrance of the chorus into the palace prevented. 
The passage in Plato’s Symposium. 
The stone border would not have interfered with free action, 


No difficulty in distinguishing actors from chorus, if all were in 
the orchestra together. 


Need of a shallow stage claimed. 


$2 The Thymele: 
The difficulties presented by a high stage avoided by assuming 
a platform for the chorus. 


A age aly beige by Wieseler and Hermann as evidence of a 
tform 


The nares drawn from this passage. 

Passages quoted by Muller as showing evidence of a platform. 
None of these passages supply evidence of a platform. 

Positive evidence against the existence of a platform: 


(1) It would have interfered with the dithyrambic con- 
tests. 


(2) No traces of such a platform remain. 
(3) The circle on the floor of the orchestra at Epidaurus. 


(For a 
UNIVERSITY 


Strron sey 


68 


THE ATTIC STAGE OF THE FIFTH CENTURY 
§2 The Thymele: (Concluded.) 


(4) The ornamented columns of the proscenium. 
(5) The exit of the chorus at the close of many plays. 


(6) The view of the occupants of the front thronoi. 
The occupants of the front thronoi. 


(7) The steps at Eretria, and elsewhere. 


(8) Alow stage would have been preferred to a high stage 
and a platform. 


§3 The Steps; the Distegia: 
If there was passing between orchestra and stage, steps were 
needed. 
No traces of such steps remain. 
Steps would have prevented free action of the chorus. 
The vase-paintings in Magna Grecia. 
The depth of the distegia. 


Had the actors stood on a stage, many of the spectators would 
have had but a poor view of them. 


§4 Archzological Investigations: 
Three sources of information. 
The ancient orchestra; other ruins. 


The stage buildings and cavea belong to thesame period of con- 
struction. 


The proscenium more recent than the stage buildings. 
The columns of the proscenium ; the doors. 
No fixed type of stage-buildings in early times. 


§5 Evidence Against a Stage from the Extant Plays: 
Eschylus:. 
Supplices. 
Persae, 
Seven against Thebes. 
Prometheus Vinctus. 
Agamemnon. 
Cheoephori. 
Eumenides. 
Sophocles: 
Ajax. 
Antigone. 
Electra. 
CEdipus Tyrannus. 
CEdipus Coloneus. 
Philoctetes. 
Trachiniz. 
Euripides: 
Alcestis. 
Medea. 
Hippolytus. 
Andromache. 
Heracleidz. 
Supplices. 
Hecuba. 
Hercules Furens. 
Ion. 
‘Troades. 
Helena. 
Iphigenia in Taurus. 


THE STAGE 69 


§5 Evidence Against a Stage from the Extant Plays (concluded) : 


Euripides (concluded) : 
Electra. 
Orestes. 
Pheenisse, 
Iphigenia in Aulis. 
Bacchae. 
Rhesus. 
Cyclops. 
Aristophanes: 
Acharnians. 
Knights. 
Clouds. 
Wasps, 
Peace. 
Birds. 
Lysistrata. 
Thesmophoriazuse. 
Frogs. 
Ecclesiazusz. 
Plutus. 
§6 Evidence Against a Stage from Certain Facts Connected with the 
Entrance of Actors and of Choruses: 
All actors entered into the orchestra either by a parodos, or 
directly from the palace in the background. 
Four aspects of the entrance considered : 
(1) Instances where choruses announce in-coming actors. 


Average number of verses spoken while actoris approach- 
ing 


The time required for walking half way across the stage. 
Actors actually seen. 


Actors probably not just about to enter on the stage 
from door in side-wing when first seen by the choruses. 


Conversations not carried on in the presence of the in- 
coming actors. 


The actor when first seen was without the stage-buildings. 


The actor when first seen was in the parodos, and 
approaching the orchestra. 


This view explains various facts. 

(2) Instances where actors announce in-coming actors. 
This class resembles the preceding class. 
Actors not about to enter on the stage when first seen. 
Actors may have been waiting in paraskenion. 
Actors fail to observe other actors; they address chorus 


Choruses oftener than actors announce approach of in- 
coming actors. 


(3) Instances where actors announce in-coming choruses. 
An added element in this class. 
The entrance of the chorus in the Phoenisse. 
The entrance of the chorus in the Gd. Col. 


Antigone probably was not looking directly into the 
parodos from the stage. 


In this class the actor probably in the orchestra. 
(4) Instances where actors come from the palace. 


If the actor-came on the stage he was in his position 
soon after being seen. 


The actor in this class was actually seen approaching. 


70 THE ATTIC STAGE OF THE FIFTH CENTURY 


$6 Evidence Against a Stage From Certain Facts Connected with the 
Entrance of Actors and of Choruses (concluded): 


(4) Instances where actors come from the palace (con- 
cluded): 


The time needed for him to reach his position, if this was 
on the stage. 


A longer time consumed if he entered into the orchestra. 


In a few instances actors are present soon after being 
seen. 


In a few instances an unusually long time is consumed. 


In the plays of Shakespeare actors are present soon after 
being seen. 


A comparison of Shakespeare with the Greek dramatists 
shows that in the former the actors had a shorter 
distance to pass over. 


Titus Andronicus—Aicestis. 

Titus Andronicus—Hippolytus. 

Antony and Cleopatra— Helena. 

Additional examples from Shakespeare. 

The inference to be drawn from the comparison. 
Actors that entered un-announced. 
The entrance of actors a pleasing feature. 


§$7 Summary of Chapter III. "Δ 
§8 The Mistakes of Vitruvius: 


Vitruvius states that the actors stood on a stage. 

Some historical facts relating to the theatre. 

The positions of chorus, actors, scenery and σχηνή in the V. 
century. ὲ 

The lowering of orchestra in Roman times. 

The above test as applied to certain theatres. 


The assumption that the orchestra was divided makes clear 
various facts. 


Vitruvius drew his inferences concerning a Greek stage from the 
Roman stage 


The description of a Roman theatre. 
The words of the scholiast in the introduction to the Clouds. 


§1 ALLEGED EVIDENCE IN FAVOR OF A STAGE 


In the first century B.C., Vitruvius wrote, in his celebrated 


‘The statements 
of Vitruvius and 
Pollux concerning 
the Greek stage. 


treatise ‘On Architecture’: Ampliorem habent 
orchestram Greeci et sczenam recessiorem minore- 
que latitudine pulpitum, quod λογεῖον appellant, 
ideo quod eo tragici et comici actores in sceena 


peragunt, reliqui autem artifices suas per orchestram prestant 


actiones ἢ 


* ejus logei altitudo non minus debet esse 


pedum X, non plus duodecim.! In the second century A. D., 


: ΠΕΣ πον ΤΈΣ 


THE STAGE 71 


Pollux wrote: za) σχηνὴ μέν, ὑποχριτῶν ἴδιον, ἡ δὲ ὀρχήστρα, τοῦ 
χοροῦ, x. τ. AL Following the authority of these two writers, it 
has been the universal belief until very recent years, that the 
chorus occupied the orchestra, the actors the stage; but the re- 
cent excavations of theatres at Epidaurus, Assos, Oropus, and 
elsewhere, within the last twelve years, and, finally, of the The- 
atre of Dionysus at Athens, in 1886, have called into quéstion 
the truth of these’statements of Vitruvius and Pollux. Recent 
writers who believe that the actors stood on a stage neverthe- 
less do not accept the statement of Vitruvius which says that 
the stage should be not less than ten, nor more than twelve 
feethigh. Thus, Verrall? believes that the plays of Aéschylus and 
his immediate successors were acted on a stage less than six or 
seven feet in height. Haigh® believes that at the time of the 
great dramatists there was a stage six or seven feet in height. 
There are five passages in the comedies of Aristophanes, in 
which the uses of the verbs ἀναβαίνειν and χατα- 
(βαίνειν are held to prove the existence of a stage. Pepe See IR 
If these verbs mean ‘to goup,’ and ‘to go down,’ claimed as evidence 
respectively, it will have to be admitted that Hen Rests 


the plays in which they occur were acted upon Spe 
astage.* The passages are: 
δεῦρο δεῦρ᾽, ὦ φίλτατε, 
ἀνάβαινε σωτὴρ τῇ πόλει χαὶ νῷν φανείς. Eq., 148-9 
ἀνάβαινε δεῦρο χρυσομηλολόνθιον. Vesp., 1342. 


GAR, ὦ πονηρὰ χώρει ἀθλίου πατρός, 


ἄμβατε ποττὰν μᾶδδαν, αἴ x εὑρητέπαις Achar., 731-2. 
ζυρέ. Vesp., 1514. 


, ~ ae "» ἢ " s> , , 
τί δῆτα διατρίβεις ἔχων, ἀλλ᾽ οὐχ ἄγεις 


"» " a “ ae. > aoe ΕΞ , ς μ 
ατὰρ χαταβατξέωον Υ ἐπ αὐτοὺς, wW 


o 
} 


τασδὶ λαβών; ἐν Gow δὲ χαταβαίνεις, ἐγὼ 
ἐπάσομαι μέλος te μελλοδειπνιχόν. Eccl,, 1151-3, 


4 ON, 22S) 2 Class. Rev., vol 4v., 1890, p. 226. SAE TR, Do LS: 

4 Cf. Muller, B.-A., p. 110, and Haigh, A. T., p. 144, where these passages are 
-quoted, except the one from the Acharnians, and are considered to. afford positive 
proof of a stage. Cf. also the discussion of these five passages in Capps’ ‘The 
Greek Stage.’ in Trans. Amer. Phil. Ass., 1891; in White’s ‘‘The ‘Stage’ in Aristophan- 
es,’ in Harv. Stud. Class. Phil., 1891; and in Pickard’s ‘The Relative Positions of Ac- 
tors and Chorus,’ Am. Jour. Phil., Oct., 1893, p. 289f. 


72 THE ATTIC STAGE OF THE FIFTH CENTURY 


On the first of these passages we have the following scho- 
lium (Eq., 149): ἀνάδαινε σωτήρ τῇ πόλει" Ἵνα, φησὶν, 


li m ~ ΄ - » ~ ‘ ΄ κα ~ 
The scholiu éx τῆς παρόδου ἐπὶ τὸ λογεῖον ἀναβῇ. (διὰ τί οὖν ἐχ τῆς 


on Knights, 149 νι 
, - ν 5 > rs 5 δ Ν ΄ 
παρόδου; τοῦτο γὰρ οὐχ ἀναγχαῖον. λεχτέον οὖν ὅτι dvaBat- 


vey ἐλέγετο τὸ ἐπὶ τὸ λογεῖον εἰσιέναι. ὅ χαὶ πρόσχειται. λέγεται γὰρ χατα- 
δαίνειν) τὸ ἀπαλλάττεσθαι ἐντεῦϑεν ἀπὸ τοῦ παλαιοῦ Shove. (τοῦτον δὲ οἱ μὲν 
Κλεώνυμον, οἱ δὲ “Ὑπέρβολον, οἱ δὲ φασιν Βὔδουλον εἶναι. ὡς ἐν θυμέλῃ δὲ τὸ 
ἀνάδαινε.) The scholium is thus given in Dubner. 

In Suidas (5. v. ἀνάδαινε) we have the following words: ἰστέον 


ὅτι ἔλεγον of παλαιοὶ τὸ ἐπὶ λόγιον εἰσιέναι dvabatvew, xaTa- 


The explanation 


ξ Gatvety δὲ τὸ ἀπαλλάττεσϑδαι ἐντεῦϑεν, ἀπὸ τοῦ παλαιοῦ ἔϑους. 
of Suidas 


᾿Αριστοφάνης ““ἀλλαντοπῶλα, dsdpo δεῦρ᾽, ὦ φίλτατε, dvd- 
ὄαινε σωτὴρ τῇ πόλει χαὶ νῷν gavets.”’ 

It will be noticed that both these scholiasts assume the ex- 
istence of astage. The point of contention with 
them is whether the Sausage-dealer came in 
through the parodos and mounted the stage, or 
entered the stage through a wing. The secoud scholiast, as 
White points out, corrects the first, and says that it should be 
known that to enter upon the stage was called ἀναδαίνειν, and 
that to leave the stage was called χαταδαίνειν, and that these 
words arose from the old custom. The ‘old custom’ referred to 
is that which is described by Pollux! in the words: ἐλεὸς δ᾽ ἦν 
τράπεξα ἀρχαία, ἐφ᾽ ἣν πρὸ θέσπιδος εἷς τις ἀναβὰς τοῖς χορευταῖς ἀπεχρίνατο, 
In the early days of the drama when the spectators were seated 
on the ground, and the single actor delivered his part standing 
on the table, the verb ἀναβαίνειν was used to denote his mount- 
ing the table. It naturally resulted that when, in later days, 
the spectators sat in tiers of seats, and chorus and actors were 
mingled together in the orchestra, the verb ἀναδαίνειν, now stereo- 
typed, was still used to denote the entrance of the actor.2, The 
words of the scholiast are clear, then; he says that ἀναδαίνειν and 
χαταδαίνειν signify merely ‘to enter’ and ‘to leave’. 


‘The interpretation 
of the two scholia 


1 ΤΥ ς 
2 Dorpfeld, Recension of Haigh’s Att. Th., Berl. Phil. Woch., 1890, 468. 


THE STAGE 73 


Capps believes that ἀνάδαινε in the passage in the Knights 
adds nothing to the meaning of the sentence in Σ : 

: ᾿ lee a : avab avery 
which it occurs; that, as at the beginning ofthe in the passage from 
command occur the words δεῦρο δεῦρ᾽, the whole {δε Knights has 

Ἢ τ 3 ‘ really no force 
command is equivalent to no more tian ‘Come, 
come over here’.1 


In the fourth passage, χαταδαίνειν is used in a metaphorical 
sense, and is equivalent to the Latin ‘incertamen PME. 
descendere’, as is now generally agreed among in ae Daas cae 
scholars. In this sense the word occurs in Her- 8.8: is used meta- 
odotus, Xenophon and Plato.? It occurs, also, an τε εύς 
in Sophocles, where the words τίνες ἀμφίγυοι χατέδαν πρὸ yapwr® are 
interpreted ‘certain suitors contended for her hand’. This 
meaning of the word is recognized by Suidas, who says: za 
χαταδαὶνεν τὸ εἰς ἀγῶνα χωρεῖν" ““ἐνταῦϑα χαταδαίνει παραδαλλόμενος᾽᾽.4 

It may be observed, still further, that ἀναδαίνειν is used by 
other writers where there is no suggestion of as- 
cent. Thus, in Homer, φάτις ἀνθρώπους ἀναδαίνειθ ἄνα- and χατα- 
can hardly contain any notion of ascent; nor is ρον τὰ cab ein 
there any ascent implied in the words of Plato: 
᾿ ἀναδὰς εἰς τὸ Otxactyptov.6 Herodotus uses the word in question as 
the equivalent of περιελθεῖν, ‘to come to’, in the words: ἐς Acwy- 
δὴν ἀνέδαινε.Τ Lakewise χαταδαίνειν is used where there is no sug- 
gestion of descent, as in Herodotus in the words: ἐς λιτὰς χατέ- 
6ave,8 and in Pindar in the words: ἀτρεχέι χατέδα ποδίϑ where it 
signifies ‘to advance’. 


It is noticeable that in each of the three passages from Aris- 
tophanes in which occurs ἀναδαίνειν the command 
. . . - The commands in 
is given to an actor just after he has entered. If the five passages 
we understand that he is commanded to ‘come τὸ ἴο ἐρότραςς webs: 
up’, we must believe that he entered the orches- ΠῚ ΠΠΡΤΝ 
tra while the remaining actors were on the stage, yet there is 
nothing in the context to indicate that he entered in a manner 
other than usual. 


1 p.66f. 2 White, p. 168. 3 Trachin., 504. 4 s.v. χατάδα. 
5S £29. 7 ὁ οι 486 BB. 7. 7,205. 8 1,116. 9 η. 8, 72. 


14 THE ATTIC STAGE OF THE ΕἸΕΊΗ. ΟΕΝΤΊΚΥ 


In the passages, then, from Aristophanes, the verbs ἀναδαίνειν 
is ake pana and χαταδαίνειν convey no notion of ascent and de- 
furnish no evidence scent, and, therefore, the passages contain no 
oe AES evidence either for, or against, a stage. 


A passage in the Birds is cited by both Muller and Haigh? 
ERP ET A ILE N . further evidence of an elevated stage : 
Birds claimed ἐο | let. βλέψον χάτω, Ex, χαὶ δὴ βλέπω, Ilet, βλέπε νῦν ἄνω. 
supply evidence Ex, βλέπω. let, xeptaye τὸν τράχηλον. Aves, 175-6. 
of a stage x - 

The argument from this passage in support ofa 
stage is based upon theassertion that, if the Epops had been on 
the floor of the orchestra, the command βλέφον χάτω Would have 
been meaningless. We know that the scenery in this play was 
wild and unusual. Euelpides (v. 20ff) directs Pisthetairus to 
lead somewhere down the rocks, for he sees no path, and his 
companion replies that there is, in fact, no path there. Wecan 
easily see the two actors as they stood, on this rocky ground, 
with Pisthetairus on a rock somewhat higher than the ground 
on which his comrade was standing. In such a situation, the 
command ‘look down’ is entirely natural, and contains no evi- 
dence of a stage. 

Another passage quoted as evidence of a stage is the fol- 
A passage in the LOWEN: = Ἢ τ 
Lysistrata claimed ἀλλ αὐτὸ γάρ μοι τῆς ὁδοῦ 
to supply evidence λυιπόν ἐστι χωρίον Ὁ 
OF PROS τὸ πρὸς πόλιν, TO σιμόν, οἵ σπουδὴν ἔχω, Lysist., 268-9. 
The chorus of old men are advancing toward the citadel. The 
remainder of the path they call τὸ σιμόν, Thescholium on Lysis- 
trata 288 is: τὸ σιμὸν, οἵ σπουδὴν ἔχω: (τὸ πρὸς τὴν ἀχρόπολιν) τὸ σιμὸν 
ὄνομα χωρίου περὶ τὴν ἀχρόπολιν. (τὸ σιμὸν) ἀντὶ τοῦ πρόσαντες, τὸ σιμόν 
was, then, the ascent leading to the acropolis. We need imag- 
ine only a ground sloping up towards the proscenium; up this 
gentle incline these old men go. At other times during the 
course of the play, these old men pass over this same ground 
and enter the house; the chorus of women come from the house 
and re-enter it, yet in none of these movements is there any- 
thing in the context that implies ascent or descent.? It was 


1 Buhnenalt., p. 109; Att. Th.,p.144. 2 Cf. analysis of Lysistrata, ch. III., §5. 


THE STAGE 75 


quite natural for the old men to think of this part of their jour- 
ney as up-hill (σιμόν), though the incline was but a gentle one. 
The end of any journey may seem up-hill, especially when it is 
performed by old men who are carrying bundles of wood,! and 
when it occurs in a Greek comedy. We must always, in fact, 
beware lest we take Aristophanes too literally for ‘no charac- 
teristic of his is better recognized than the liberty he took in 
drawing on the imagination of his audience. If the actors said 
that it was night, to them it was night, though it was in real- . 
ity midday; if they said that they were going up-hill, the spec- 
tators could be trusted to believe that the way was steep, even 
if it were on a dead level.’’? | 

Danaus, in the Supplices of Aéschylus, says to his daughters: 

ἱχεταδόχου yap τῆσδ᾽ ἀπὸ σχυπῆς ὁρῶ ; 

psn: Sup., 71g.14. <Apenesein te 
The words ἱχεταδόχου σχυπῆς are considered as evi- laimed to supply 
dence that Danaus was standing upon a stage. tice grr 
It is, however, quite as reasonable to understand that Danaus 
was standing upon an altar. At verse 180, when he seesa 
crowd of men approaching, fearing that harm awaits his chil- 
dren, he says to them (189): πάγον προσίξειν τῶνδ᾽ ἀγωνίων θεῶν. 
Likewise, at verse 725 he says to his children: τῶνδε μὴ ἀμελεῖν 
θεῶν. It is evident, then, that there were altars near to both 
Danaus and his children (cf. τῶνδε in both passages). Danaus 
speaks in both these passages exactly as one would expect him 
to speak, if father, children, and altars were all close together 
in the orchestra 


Muller? cites also Peace 564f. as evidence that the chorus 


were below the actors. Hermes here says: 
A passage in the 


> ΄ ς oily & \ ~ > ~ ΄ 

ὦ Πόσειδον, ὡς χκἀλὸν τὸ στῖφος αὐτῶν φαίνεται Peace claimed to 

χαὶ πυχνὸν zat γοργὸν ὥσπερ pala χαὶ πανδαισία, supply evidence 
of a stage 


It would seem, however, that the passage af- 
fords no evidence either for, or against, a stage. Muller claims, 
also,? that the conversation between the two Athenians during 
the entrance of the chorus in the Birds indicates that the birds 
were below the Athenians; but, as in the passage from the 


1 Cf v¥s..267,: 312: 2 Capps, p. 68f. 3 Buhnenalt., p. 109. 


76 THE ATTIC STAGE OF THE FIFTH CENTURY 


Peace, there seems to be in this passage no evidence either that 
there was, or was not, a stage. 


Muller cites four passages in which he thinks that the © 
A gaint te se chorus withdrew for a short time, and that the 
is claimed that the ONly place to which they could have withdrawn 
chorus withdrew was the front wall of the stage.1 The first pass- 


close to the wall a 

of the stage age 1S: 
ἀποσταϑῶμεν πράγματος Tehovpsvov, 

(1) Passage from 


[τ ~ ~ > . ΄ ~ 
: ὅπως δοχῶμεν τῶνδ᾽ ἀναίτιαι χαχῶν 
the Choephori 872ff ene ‘ 


εἶναι. Cheeph., 57.72.4. 
Muller, who believes that the chorus stood on an elevated plat- 
form, believes that in this instance they descended by steps to 
the floor of the orchestra, and then concealed themselves close 
by the proscenium wall. It may be observed concerning this 
passage that evidently the chorus did not at once withdraw, 
for the servant on entering commands them (877f.) to open the 
doors of the palace. Their failure to do as ordered called from 
the servant (882) the cry, ‘I am shouting to the deaf’. Wheth- 
er the chorus then retired there is no evidence from the text to 
show, but, as they remained during the speech of the servant, 
which occupied nine verses, and then made no further mention 
of going away, we have no reason to think that they did go. 
They next took part with a choral ode at vs. 931ff. Their 
opening words in this ode were to bewail the calamity of the 
wretched pair. This implies knowledge of the coming fate of 
Clytemnestra, which could have been gained only by hearing 
the conversation that had just taken place between Clytemnes- 
tra and Orestes. They could not have spoken so confidently, 
merely trusting to impressions gained from theclosing fears ex- 
pressed by the servant (882ff). The conclusion, then, that we 
may draw is that the chorus fail to carry out the desire ex- 
pressed at vs. 872-4; and remain in their position in the or- 
chestra. 


1 Buhnenalt., p. 135 and Phil. Anz., 15, 528. 


THE STAGE 77 


The second passage is: 


φυγᾷ φυγᾷ, γέροντες, ἀποπρὸ δωμάτων 


διώχετε φεύγετε μάργον (2) Passage from 
oy n> 3 ; the Hercules 
avop ἐπεγειρόμενον. Here. Fur., 1081-4. Furens, 1081ff. 


Amphitryon here orders the chorus of old men 

to hasten from before the house; but there is no evidence that 
the command is obeyed. Hercules, because of whom they were 
told to flee, begins speaking at v. 1088, and continues speaking, 
though perhaps hardly yet awake, for twenty verses. Amphi- 
tryon then (1109) asks the chorus whether he shall tell them 
his woes, and they answer him (1110) with assurances that 
they will not desert him in his calamitous state. They do not 
take part again till they sing the words that close the play 
(1427f); but nothing in the intervening conversation indicates 
that they are not in their usual place. If the command of Am- 
phitryon (1081ff) proves anything, it would seem to prove 
that Hercules was to enter on a level with the chorus, for, if he 
was to enter on a stage several feet higher than the chorus, his 
separation from them would be so great that it would be quite 
unreasonable to expect them to flee from him in fear. 


The third passage is: 
GAR εἶα δεῦρ᾽ ἐπὶ σχιᾶς 
ἐλθοῦσα πρὸς τὸ τειχίον, (3) Passage from 
ἢ ᾿ the Ecclesiazusz 
παραβλέπουσα θατέρῳ, ΡΝ 


πάλιν μετασχεύαζε σαυτὴν αὖϑις ἥπερ ἦσϑα. Eccl., 496-9. 
Muller claims that the τειχίον (497) was the wall of the proscen- 
ium, and that the chorus withdrew beneath the platform, upon 
which they commonty stood, to the proscenium wall. It is, 
however, just as satisfactory to consider that the τειχίον was 
the wall of the parodos. 

The fourth passage is: 


οὗτος αὐτός ἐστι ὃν ζητοῦμεν. ἀλλὰ δεῦρο πᾶς 


ἐχποδών. θύσων γὰρ ἀνὴρ, ὡς zor, ἐξέρχεται. (4) Pals GF ck ἐρῶν 
᾿ the Acharnians 
Achar., 239-40. 239. 


Diceeopolis is coming from his house tocelebrate 

the rural Dionysia. Thechorus is marching in bythe parodos, 
stating (204ff) their desire to find Diczeopolis. Soon they see 
him, and give the command “δεῦρο, ἐχποδών᾽ (239f). Diczeopolis 


78 THE ATTIC STAGE OF THE FIFTH CENTURY 


and his attendants go forth for their celebration, when sudden- 
ly the chorus cry (281) “βάλλε βάλλς βάλλε βάλλε᾽, Concerning the 
passage, three facts areclear. (1) Diczeopolis marches a long 
distance before he reaches the chorus, (247-280). (2) He ap- 
proaches near to the chorus. (3) The chorus are all the time 
in a position where they can watch him. - The hiding-place of 
the chorus, therefore, was in the parodos; not close to the pro- 
scenium wall.! 


Haigh cites three instances in which the chorus did not en- 

ter the palace or tent in the background, though 
tre ee the it would naturally have done so, and he thinks 
palace prevented that the reason for this failure lay in the fact 

that the entrance would have involved the diffi- 
cult ascent of a flight of steps.2. The three instances cited are: 

ἀλλ᾽, ὦ φίλοι, τούτων γὰρ eivex ἐστάλην, 

ἀρήξατ᾽ εἰσελθόντες, εἰ δύνασμέ τι. Ajax, 328-9 

fodsea ἐπεισπέσωμεν; ὡς ἀχμὴ χαλεὶῖ 

᾿βχάδῃ παρεῖναι Τρῳάσιν τε συμμάχους, Hecuba, 1042-3 

ὑὁμεῖς δὲ βᾶσαι τῶνδε δωμάτων ἔσω 

θανάτου νιν ἐχλύσασὴηϊε" Andromache, 817-18. 
In these passages, although the chorus either is invited to en- 
ter the palace or tent in the background, or deliberates doing 
so, yet it stays without. In each instance an actor at once ap- 
pears, and, therefore, the chorus is not obliged to leave the or- 
chestra. Haigh thinks that the poet contrived the appearance 
of the actor in order to relieve the chorus from the necessity of 
attempting the difficult ascent; but wemay quite as readily be- 
lieve that it was because the poet wished the action tocontinue 
before the eyes of the spectators, rather than within the palace 
or tent. Again, it will be noticed that in none of the passages 
in the verb of motion is there any idea of ascent. Thus, in the 
passage from the Ajax, Tecmessa uses the verb εἰσέρχομαι, There 
is a clear invitation, in that verb, to the chorus to come in, but 
no invitation to come up. Had Tecmessa been standing on a 
stage high above the level of the chorus, in inviting them to 
come to a level with herself, it is hardly possible that she would 


1 Capps, p. 73. Ὁ Pe tS: 


THE STAGE 79 


not have used some word denoting ascent. In connection with 
the passage from the Andromache, it may be observed that the 
nurse, later in the play, says to Hermione (876 f): 
GAR εἴσιθ᾽ εἴσω μηδὲ φαντάζου δόμων 
πάροιδε τῶνδε, 
The important words in the two passages are: 
βᾶσαι τῶνδε δωμάτων ἔσω for passage 817, 
and εἴσιδ᾽ τῶν δόμων εἴσω for passage 876, and the corres- 
ponding words in the two passages are practically synony- 
mous. The former passage the nurse addresses to the chorus, 
the latter, to Hermione; and in neither instance is the com- 
mand obeyed. It would be quite as logical to claim that Her- 
mione, in the latter instance, was kept from entering the palace 
because there was a difficult ascent for her to climb in order to 
reach it, as to claim that the chorus, in the former instance, 
was kept from entering the palace for a similar reason. 
A passage in Plato’s Symposium! has been interpreted to 
signify that Agathon mounted a stage. The 


reference, in this passage, is to the Odeum, The ἐοτξτνν 
‘ . ° é in Plato’s 
which was built ‘like a theatre’.2 Agathon is Sernoniiiens 


here said to have mounted ἐπὶ τὸν ὀχρίδαντα, This 

ὀχρίδας is understood to mean a ‘stage’, and, therefore, the infer- 
-ence is drawn that the theatre had astage. The weight of the 
passage as evidence in favor of a stage depends upon the mean- 
ing of the word ὀχρίδας, and this seems to signify only an eleva- 
tion in the middle of the Odeum, which resembled the thymele 
in the regular theatre. On this ὀχρίδας, at the Proagon, the ac- 
tors mounted, who were to take part in the theatre, a few days 
subsequently. If it is true that the czpiéus was but another 
name for the stage of the theatre, the question may fairly be 
asked why the word was not oftener used in this sense. 


1 Sympos., 194 B.: ἀναδαίνοντος ἐπὶ τὸν ὀχρίδαντα μετὰ τῶν ὑποχριτῶν, χαὶ 
βλέψαντος ἐναντία x. τ. A. 2 Schol. Aristoph. Vesp.,1109: οἱ δ᾽ ἐν ὠδείῳ: 
Ἔστι τόπος θεατροειδής x, τ. A. 8 Cf. Class. Rev., 1890,.». 276. 


80 THE ATTIC STAGE OF THE FIFTH CENTURY 


Haigh maintains that the stone border in the circular or- 

ma chestra at Epidaurus would have seriously in- 
e stone border 3 

would nothave terfered with the movements of the actors, if 
interfered with they had stood in the orchestra.1 There is no 
free action ξ 

evidence to show that there was such a border 
in the orchestra of the Athenian theatre, but, granting that 
there was, it is dificult to see wherein it would have caused 
any serious impediment to the free action of the actors. There 
was plenty of room within thecircle for bothchorus and actors. 

It is urged, also, that, if the actors had stood on a level 

with the chorus, the spectators in the lower 
aictineaishiag ac. tiers of seats would have been unable to see 
tors'‘from chorus them, except as the chorus moved to and fro, 
iat cnestra thus disclosing the actors. This argument 

hardly seems to be a strong one, for we know 
that the bodies of the actors were increased in size by cothur- 
nus, padding and onkos; and this was done probably for the 
express purpose of making them easily distinguished from the 
members of the chorus.?° We know, also, that on the modern 
stage there is no difficulty in distinguishing the principal from 
the subordinate actors, though there may: be hundreds on the 
stage at the same time. It is truethat there are no injunctions 
handed down to us such as ‘the chorus must not obscure the 
actors’, but neither are there any similar injunctions at the 
present day. 

Haigh states his belief that the Athenians, having deter- 
tie ant mined upon a high stage, could not make this 
atid Gnieubd stage deep because, if they had done so, the 

spectators in the front rows could not haveseen 
an actor standing at the rear of the stage. In the existing 
ruins of the theatre of Dionysus the lowest step of the auditor- 
ium is raised a few inches above the level of the orchestra; the 
seats in the front row are twelve and one-half inches high. The 
eye of a person sitting on one of these seats would be about 


᾿ a T., p. 145. ‘ 2 πὸ ch. III., 88. 

ecent excavations show that the roof of the proscenium of the theat 
Athens was eight feet deep; and all of this could not have been used for a sta ἐ ae ri 
89f. below). The suggestion has been made that if the Athenians had wished to have 
a stage they would have made it deeper, thus allowing more room for the actors. To 
this suggestion Haigh makes the reply quoted above. Class. Rey , May, 1890, p. 279 


THE STAGE 81 


two and one-half feet higher than the seat, and thus about four 
feet higher than the level of the orchestra. The thronos in the 
centre of the front row was about twenty-three metres distant 
from the proscenium wall. A person sitting in the centre 
thronos would have been able to see of a person six feet in 
height standing at the rear of a stage four metres high and four 
metres deep all except about the lower third of his body. The 
accompanying diagram makes this fact clear. 


t 


a represents the eye of the occupant of the thronos in the center of the front row; CD, 
the proscenium wall; De, the stage; and Eg, a person six feet in height standing at 
the rear of the stage. The scale used is m.=9-64 in. 


$2 THE THYMELE! 


Some of those that hold to the traditional view that assigns 
a stage to the actors, and the orchestra to the 
chorus have nevertheless seen the great difficulty asians ans "εκ 
of carrying on a conversation between chorus _ stage avoided by 
and actors thus separated ; they haverecognized , *umins ἃ plat 
the close relation that existed between actors 
and chorus, and have endeavored to meet the difficulties pre- 
sented by the stage-theory by assuming that the chorus had 
its position on a raised platform. This platform, they have as- 
sumed was several feet higher than the level of the orchestra, 


1 The word thymele, when used in connection with the theatre, has four different 
meanings. From the earliest times an altar of Dionysus stood in the orchestra (cf. 
Pickard, p.85). To this altar the name ‘thymele’ was sometimes given, as in the pass- 
age quoted below from Suidas. After the beginning of the real drama, the first actor 
stood on a table near the altar (Poll., I1V., 123). To this table the title ‘thymele’ is 
applied in Et. Mag., p. 458, 30. ‘Thymele’ is used also for ‘orchestra’ (Haigh A. T., p. 
155), as in the epigram of Simmias Thebanus quoted below. It is used, also, for 
‘stage’ in the scholium to Aristoph. Equit., 149 (quoted above p. 72f.), in the words: 


ὡς ἐν θυμέλῃ δὲ τὸ dvéGawve, That θυμέλη here means stage is shown by the scho- 
lium to Aves, 673: ὡς ἐν θυμέλῃ yap προσωπεῖον ἐξῆλεν ἔχουσα- speaking of 
Procne (White, p. 166). 


82 THE ATTIC STAGE OF THE FIFTH CENTURY 


but not so high as the level of the stage. To this platform the 
name θυμέλη has been given. Among others to advocate this 
theory are Wieseler, A. Muller, and Hermann. 


Wieseler and Hermann base their theory, in part, upon a 
.Ψ . Ἴ Ἶ "9.1 

The passagefrom Passage in Suidas and Et. Mag. v. σχηνή: 
Suidas and Et. σχηνή ἐστι ἡ μέρη θύρα τοῦ θεάτρου, παρασχήνια δὲ τὰ 
Mag. quoted by 
Wieseler and Her- 
mann asevidence τὸς za) τῆς μέσης θύρας ἢ ἵνα σαφέστερον εἴπω, σχηνή. μετ 
of a platform 


" .ι *& - > ΓΝ ie ΄ > . 
ἔνϑεν zat ἐνἥεν τῆς μέσης ἥῦρας γαλχᾷ xayzehha wy τὰ ἐν- 


Om Rs 


‘ . ἣν sy ΄ ΄ > , a] 
τὴν σχηνὴν εὐθὺς χαὶ τὰ παρασχήνια ἡ ὀρχήστρα' αὕτη ὃ 
ἐστιν 6 τόπος 6 ἐχ σανίδων ἔχων τὸ ἔδαφος, ἐφ᾽ οὗ θεατρίζουσιν οἵ μῖμοι. εἶτα 
μετὰ τὴν ὀρχήστραν βωμὸς ἣν τοῦ Διονύσου, τετράγωνον οἰχοδόμημα χενόν, ἐπέ 
τοῦ μέσου, 6 χαλεῖται θυμέλη παρὰ τοῦ θύειν. μετὰ τὴν θυμέλην ἡ χουνίστρα, 
ὑπὸ τ ΘΕ ΥΣ » ~ see: 2 
τουτέστι TO χάτω ἔδαφος TOD θεάτρου. 
Wieseler argues from this passage that the τετράγωνον οἰχοδό- 
papa χενόν Was not the altar of Dionysus, but was 


The arguments the platform for the chorus; and, therefore, he 
drawn from : τ ᾿ 
this passage calls this platform the thymele. There is, how- 


ever, no reason why we should not interpret 
the words in the simplest way, and consider that the οἰχοδόμημα 
was thealtar of Dionysus. Hermann? believes that the ὀρχήστρα 
which is here said to come μετὰ σχηνήν was the platform upon 
which the chorus stood, but ὀρχήστρα here signifies the λυγεῖον of 
the Roman theatre, and on it, as was natural, were the piper. 
Muller* cites various passages as evidence that the chorus 
RG Gate stood upon a raised platform. i hus he cites 
by Muller as show- Pollux IV., 123: zat oxyvy μὲν, Sroxzpirds ὕδιῆν, 7% Oe 
eee DPYYG OT PA., TOD χοροῦ. ἐν ῇ χαὶ ἡ θυ μέλη. This passage 
asserts that there was an altar of Dionysus in 
the orchestra. There is no suggestion that it was a platform 
upon which the chorus stood. Again, Muller quotes the epi- 
gram of Simmias Thebanus: 
τόν os γυροῖς μέλῴαντα Συφυχλέα παῖδα Σοφίλου, 
τὸν τραγιχῆς Ἠούσης ἀστέρα εχρόπιον 
πολλάχις ἐν θυμέ)ησιν zat ἐν σχηνῆσι τεϑηλὼς 


βλαισός xz. τ. A. 


1 Cf, Haigh, A. T., p.154. . 2 Opuse., VI., 2, p.152ff. 8. Cf. ch. III., 88: 
4 B.A., pp. 129-136. 


THE STAGE 83 


We may believe here, either with Haigh! that θυμέλη is used 
with the signification ὀρχήστρα, or with Pickard? that the only 
inference to be drawn from the passage is that the θυμέλη and 
the σχηνή were two important parts of the theatre. Another 
‘passage αὐοῦεα is Corp. Inser. Gr.: ἐν σχηναῖσι λαβοῦσαν παντοίης 
ἀῤετῆς ἢ * εἶτα χγοροῖσι πολλάχις ἐν θυμέλαις. All that can 
be claimed here is that the chorus and thymele were associated, 
unless we again consider that θυμέλη is used with the meaning 
of ὀρχήστρα. So other passages are quoted in which occurs the 
word θυμέλη, but there is in them nosuggestion that it was used 
as a platform for the chorus. The remark of Hesychius, v. γλυ- 
χερῷ Σιδωνίῳ: δρᾶμα δέ ἐστιν ἐν w τῆς θυμέλης ἄρχεται οὕτως, signifies 
that the play begins with a choral ode. The scholium to Aris- 
tides, III., p. 586 Dind.: ὅτε εἰσήει ἐν τῇ ὀρχήστρᾳ ἡ ἐστι θυμέλη states 
that the thymele was in the orchestra. Vitruvius, v. 7,2, says: 
actores in sczena peragunt, reliqui autem artifices suas per or- 
chestram prestant actiones itaque ex eo sceenici et thymelici 
greece separatim nominantur. Here it is stated that the cho- 
rus, inasmuch as it took part in the orchestra, received a name 
from the thymele, which was placed there. In the Hyporchema 
of Pratinas in Athen., XIV., p. 617 C, are the words: τίς ὁ θόρυ- 
Gog; τί τάδε τὰ yopsbpata; τίς ὅδρις ἔμολεν ἐπὶ Διονυσιάδα πολυπάταγα θυμέ- 
hav; Here the zis ὅδρις is of the musicians who desired to lead 
rather than accompauy the chorus, and the πυλυπάταγα ϑυμέλαν 
refers to the thymele which was made to resound to the stamp- 
ing of the feet of the musicians. The passage from Isidor Origg. : 
XVIII., 47: thymelici erant musici sczenici, qui in organis et 
lyris et citharis preecinebant, et dicti thymelici, quod olim in 
orchestra stantes cantabant super pulpitum, quod thymele vo- 
cabatur, states simply that the musicians sang in the orches- 
tra standing ‘super pulpitum, quod thymele vocabatur’, that 
they stood on some part of the thymele, and hence received a 
name from the thy mele, 7. e., were called thymelici. 


fe Ae pe BS a ops eae 


84 THE ATTIC STAGE OF THE FIFTH CENTURY 


From all the passages, then, that are quoted as evidence of 


a platform for the chorus, it seems that not one 
None of the pass- 


ick ably should be construed to imply the existence of 
wR aon SER such a platform. There is no passage in any 
platform. 


ancient writer that either states directly or 
implies, that the chorus stood upon a platform. It may be 
assumed that, if such a platform had existed, it would have 
been distinctly mentioned. 
ἘΝ Rake ot V πέτα The evidence produced thus far has been neg- 
against a platform ative, but there is positive evidence that the 
ged Sect s chorus did not stand on a raised platform.1 
1. An important feature at the City Dionysia were the con- 
tests between the dithyrambic choruses. The drama had its 
chorus of twelve, or fifteen, or twenty-four 
(1) It would have P : : 
fnter@red with members; the dithyrambic chorus consisted of 
the dithyrambic fifty members who stood in a circular posi- 
contests. ᾿ 
tion. In order that the platform be large 
enough to accommodate this circular chorus of fifty, it would 
have been necessary that it cover the greater part of the orches- 
tra; or, if only the dramatic chorus had occupied the platform, 
it would still have been large enough to seriously interfere with 
the free movements of the dithyrambic chorus while standing 
on the floor of the orchestra. Neither of these arrangements 


seems probable. 
2. Ifsucha platform had existed, there would 


still remain marks showing connection between 
it and the proscenium. No such marks remain. 
3. On the floor of the orchestra of the theatre at Epidaurus 
Pe Ura κ large circle was marked out. The inference is 
the floor of the that the chorus danced within this circle. No 
ORCER TES such circle has been discovered at Athens, yet it 
at Epidaurus. ἐ ᾿ ἐ 
may beconjectured that such a circle existed there. 
4. The columns of the proscenia of the theatres at Epi- 
es daurus, Oropos, Eretria, and Athens were high- 
ornamented ly ornamented. Ifinfront of them there had been 
ghee platforms, the artistic effect of the ornamented 
columns would have been greatly marred. Fur- 


(2) Notraces ofa 
platform remain. 


1 Cf. Haigh A. T., p. 156sq., and Pickard, p. 76sq. 


THE STAGE 85 


thermore, in the center of each of these proscenia was a door 
leading into the orchestra.t Such a door would have been 
practically useless, had there been a platform in front of it. 

5. ‘At the close of all the plays of Aristophanes, except 
the Thesmophorizeusz and the Knights, as well as at the close 
of many of the plays of the tragedians, the _ 
chorus left the theatre in company with the es Sa Ἐν he 
actors. There is nothing in the context of these asta 

᾿ 4 many plays 
plays implying that the chorus made a descent. 
In the Wasps, the chorus leave the theatre dancing, a manner 
of exit that would have been impossible, if the chorus had 
been standing on an elevated platform. In the Clouds, the 
chorus close the play with the words, ‘“‘ Lead the way out; for 
we have acted sufficiently as chorus to-day.’’ We can easily 
believe that this order was executed, and that Socrates, Phidip- 
pides, Strepsiades, and Chzerephon went out by the parodos, 
followed by the chorus. Ifthe chorus had been on an elevated 
platform, and the actors on a stage still higher, in order that 
the command be executed, it would have been necessary for the 
chorus to wait for the four actors to file down the steps from 
stage to platform, and then for all to descend the steps to 
the orchestra, and make their exit by the parodos. That such 
was the case seems improbable. 

6. A weighty objection to the belief in the existence of 
a platform is that it would have seriously interfered with 
the view that the occupants of the thronoi in the 
front row would have had of both actors and ee ccna 
choreute. If the choreute had stood at the of the front thronoi 
front of a platform that was two and one-half Youle Baye bem 
metres in height, and extended twelve metres 
from the proscenium,? the occupant of the center thronos in the 
front row would have been unable to see any part of an actor 
standing on the stage. (Cf. diagram on p.81). The line yx 
represents the choreutes standing at the front of the platform, 


1 Cf. ch. ΤΠ §4. 
2 The height of the platform is assumed to have been two and one-half metres. 
As the object of the platform was to bring chorus and actors near enough to each other 
to make conversation easy, and as the stage at Athens was four metres high, in order 
to accomplish the end desired, the platform must have been at_le and one-half 
metres high. It is assumed to have extended twelve metyestrgm-the ar i 


86 THE ATTIC STAGE OF THE FIFTH CENTURY 


and a the eye of the priest in the center thronos of the front 
row. Ifwesupposethechoreutes to havestood, not at the front 
of the platform, but half way back, and the actor to have 
stood at thefront of the stage, hardly more than one-halfof the 
choreutes would have been seen by the priest, and of the actor 
the priest would have seen not more than the head. Ts repre- 
sents a choreutes, Ld an actor standing thus. The view of the 
occupants of the thronoi at the ends of the front row would 
have depended upon the nearness of the platform to their 
thronoi. Their view would probably have been no better than 
that of the occupant of the center thronos; and the only way 
in which their view could have been made more favorable would 
have been to have the platform slope toward the sides, from 
the center line (xo). But even this would not have proved 
entirely satisfactory, for,in this case,a priestin the end thronos 
would not have had a favorable view of a choreutes on theside 
of the platform sloping away from him. Likewise, the view of 
the priest in the center thronos would have been aided by hav- 
ing the platform slope toward him also. Thus, to afford the 
priests who occupied the thronoi in the front row a view 
of both actors and choreute, it would have been necessary that 
the platform slope from the proscenium toward the front, and 
from a center line toward the sides. It would not have been 
easy for the chorus to dance upon such a platform. 

In the ruins of the extant cavea at Athens, the thronoi 
in the front row, sixty-seven in number, are seen to have 
been occupied by men of the highest dignity. 
Inscriptions on fifty-four of these seats show 
that they were occupied by priests, or ministers 
connected with religion. In the center thronos sat the priest 
of Dionysus Eleuthereus. Other seats in the front of the 
theatre were occupied by other dignitaries; and the seatsin the 
rest of the theatre were occupied by ordinary citizens.1 It 
seems highly improbable that the arrangement of the theatre 
was such that the ordinary citizen had a better view of cho- 
reutz and actors than the priest of Dionysus had. 


The occupants of 
the front thronoi. 


1 Haigh A. T., p. 305sq. This arrangement existed in the time of Hadrian; but 
there can be little doubt that a similar arrangement existed in the fifth century B.C. 


THE STAGE ; 87 


7. Inthe theatre at Eretria, which belongs to the fourth 
century B. C., there has been discovered a flight 0 +4... ae ae 
of steps leading from the centre of the orchestra’ Eretria and 
to an underground passage, which leads to a eis ibe scsi 
position back of the proscenium, and, at this point, is a flight 
of steps similar to the flight leading down from the center of 
the orchestra.t ‘The work of the walls of this tunnel is excel- 
lent; it is older than thestone ‘stage’-front—which corresponds 
to the similar structures at Epidaurus, Oropos, and Athens’’.? 
It is quite impossible to. imagine more than one use for this 
passage. Pollux? tells us of ‘Charon’s Steps’. We have in tilis 
flight of steps leading down from the center of the orchestra the 
Charon’s Steps of Pollux. Asimilar passage has been found at 
Magnesia, and at Tralles. At Sicyon,* the passage served as a 
drain. No such passage has been found at Athens, but it is 
probable that such a passage existed there. A platform for 
the chorus would have destroyed the use of such a passage. 

Finally, if we are to believe that there was a platform for 
the chorus, we must assume that theGreeks first 
constructed an orchestra for thechorus, and then ee yee 
a stage twelve feet high for theactors; but, find- preferred to a high 
ing that the distance between the two levels was ena 
too great to suit the necessities of the drama, 
that they next built a platform for the chorus, which brought 
actors and choreute nearer to each other. It seems incredible 
that the Greeks, had they made the mistake of constructing a 
stage too high, would have gone on doing so year after year, 
when the simple device of lowering the stage would have ac- 
complished all that was aimed at by a high stage and a plat-. 
form. 


1 CT Beni’ yak y Amer. Journal Arch., VII., No. 3. μ Pickard, p. 80. 
3. IV., 132: τὸ Cf. Amer. Journal Arch., vol. V. - 9. 


88 THE ATTIC STAGE OF THE FIFTH CENTURY 


S83. THE STEPS; THE DISTEGIA 


It is generally admitted that there were instances where the 

chorus, or its leader, came into personal contact 
If there was pass- ἃ ἐ : 
ing between orches- With the actors. Haigh! admits such personal 
tra and stage, contact in the Helena, where the leader of the 
steps were needed : 

chorus detained Theoclymenus, who was about 
to enter the palace and kill his sister,? or in the CEdipus Colo- 
neus, where the chorus restrained Creon from carrying off An- 
tigone,® or in the Knights, where the coryphzus handed to the 
sausage-seller an oil flask and some garlic.4 Haigh admits, 
also, that in the Prometheus the chorus entered by the stage, 
that in the Eumenides, at the opening of the play, the chorus 
of Erinyes were on the stage, and that in the Supplices (Eurip.) 
the chorus of matrons appeared in the opening scene, kneeling 
at the feet of 4&thra. It is evident that, if in these instances 
there was passing between orchestra and stage, this must have 
been accomplished by means of steps connecting the two levels. 
The authority for the existence of such steps is Pollux.5 


Concerning these steps, it may be observed that no traces of 
any such steps have been discovered by modern archzologists.® 
If, as Haigh claims,7 these steps in the fifth cen- 
tury B. C. were made of wood, and, therefore, 
have been destroyed, the question remains, why, 
after the stone proscenium was constructed, the steps were not 
made of stone. Traces of them would then still remain. 


No traces of such 
steps remain. 


Again, if there had been steps connecting stage and orches- 
tra, they would have extended a considerable distance into the 
orchestra,® presenting not a pleasing appearance, and, also, 

probably interfering with the free action of the 
Steps would have chorus. These steps could not have been placed 
hindered free action 


οὐ δ πόαν, -against the center of the front of the proscenium 
and parallel to it, for, in that case, they would 


LAS. Δ; 2 Helena, 1621ff. 3. Ed. Col., S56f. 4. Khights, 490ff. 
5 IV.,127: εἰσελθόντες δὲ χατὰ τὴν ὀρχήστραν, ἐπὶ τὴν σχηνὴν διὰ χλιμά- 
χων ἀναδαίνυυσι. τῆς δὲ χλίμαχυς of βαδμοὶ, χλιμαχτῆρες χαλυῦνται, 


6 Cf. Class. Rev., 1890, p. 275. - 7 Class. Rev., May, 1890, p. 280. 
8 Cf. Pickard, Amer. Journal Phil., April, 1893, p. 81f. 


THE STAGE 89 


have seriously interfered with the use of the door in the center 
of the proscenium.! 

The existence of these steps is defended by the vases found in 
Magna Grecia.? On these vases are representations of scenes 
from comedy, and from the center of the stages flights of steps 
lead down; but Dorpfeld has shown® that these vases date 
no further back than the third century B. C., 
and that no such vases have been found, except 
in lower Italy. Novase painters of Athens had 
set the example of painting such scenes, and this is no reason, if 
they had, why the painters of Southern Italy should have gone 
back more than a century for the scenes of their pictures. No 
chorus is ever found in these lower Italy paintings. These 
vases, then, seem to have no bearing upon the present question. 

Recent excavations show that the depth of the stage at 
Athens was about eight feet. The διστεγία was a ledge, or plat- 
form, on which might appear several persons. 

Ξ ; The depth of the 
It represented, in general, the roof of a house. διστεγία. 
How deep this distegia was we have not been 
told by ancient authorities, but must let the plays indicate. 
The watchman, at the opening of the Agamemnon, represents 
that he has spent a year on the distegia. We would naturally 
conclude that the distegia in this instance was of considerable 
area. Toward the close of the Clouds, Strepsiades climbs to 
the roof of the phrontisterion. He says (1495f.) that he 
is chopping logic with the beams of the house, and (1508) that 
he is walking on air. Presumably he is not free from violent 
motions when he thus speaks. In both these instances, then, 
we must infer that the distegia was large enough to allow con- 
siderable freedom of action.® It seems hardly possiblethat this 
freedom could have been obtained on a distegia less than three 
feet deep. The stage-scenery was as far front of the back wall 
as the distegia was deep. Allowing, then, three feet for the 
distegia, and what one may wish for the scenery, there remains 
less than five feet for the depth of the stage. Those that believe 


The vase-paintings 
in Magna Grecia. 


1 .Cf. p. 93 below. 2 Haigh, Class. Rev., 1890, p. 280. 

3 Class. Rev., 1890, p. 275. 4. Cf. Pickard, p. 8Of. & Pollux, IV. 129: 

6 Cf also Orestes, 1573ff.; Wasps, 143ff; Peace, 223ff. In the last instance the 
chorus appears on the distegia. 


90 THE ATTIC STAGE OF THE FIFTH CENTURY 


that the stage was used for the actors must believe that on this 
stage, less than five feet deep, appeared at the same timeseveral 
actors, many attendants, even horses and chariots. 
The construction of the auditorium of the theatre of Diony- 
sus was such that while all the spectators had an excellent view 
of the orchestra, many of them had only a poor 
Many would have view οὐ the stage. Thus, a person: ΠΝ 
had a poor view 
οὐ clas αὐεϑὴν: near the place indicated by the letter F (cf. plan 
p. 91) would have been able to see but little 
that was taking place on the stage, if anything at all. The 
plans of the theatres at Epidaurus, Eretria, and Megalopolis, 
show a method of construction similar tothat of thetheatreat 
Athens. These three theatres belong to the fourth century 
B. C. It cannot be contended that they were constructed 
to suit plays in which the chorus was the predominant feature, 
for,in the fourth century, the importance of the chorus was 
greatly diminished. If we believe, then, that the actors stood 
on the stage, we shall be compelled to believe, also, that 
the Greeks built theatres that gave to many of the spectators a 
very poor view of the actors. 


$4. ARCHAZOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS 


In deciding the question whether the actors stood on the 
stage, or in the orchestra, we must draw our evidence from 
three sources—ancient writers, the existing ruins, 
' the plays themselves. Of these sources, the last 
outweighs in value the other two.! Before 
examining the plays of the dramatists, it remains to see what 
evidence is afforded by the investigations of the ruins on 
the site of the theatre οἵ Dionysus.? 


Three sources 
of information. 


1° Dorpfeld himself in his recension of Haigh’s Att. Th., Berl. Phil. Woch., 1890, 
468, recognizes the fact that the plays are our best source of information. 

2 The results of Dorpfeld’s investigations are given by Pickard, Amer. Journal 
Phil., April, 1893; and by Miss Harrison, Class. Rev., 1890, pp. 274s8q. 


THE STAGE 91 


The oldest of the existing ruins are the remains of an 
orchestra, HK M (cf. plan). There areremains, also, of a cavea, 


of stage-buildings, and of a second orchestra. 


That the first-mentioned orchestra has no con- The ancient 
; 2 orchestra; other 
nection with the cavea is seen, at a glance, from igen 


the relative positions of the two. That there is 

no connection between this orchestra and the stage-buildings is 
evident from the fact that the stage-buildings cross the orches- 
tra. The construction of the supporting walls of this ancient 
orchestra belongs to some period not later than the fifth century 
B. C., as is clear from the fact that they are built of irregularly 
shaped pieces of Acropolis limestone, a material for building 
that was not used later than the fifth century. These support- 
ing walls are made necessary because the level of the earth 
is about six feet lower on the southern side than on the other 
sides of the orchestra. We know that there were no stage- 
buildings in connection with this orchestra, because the walls 
on their outer surface are finely dressed on all sides. If on one 
side there had been stage-buildings tangent to the walls, on 
that side it would have been unnecessary to have the walls so 
finely dressed. These walls present just the appearance that we 
should expect to find, if the audience was seated on all sides of 
the orchestra. The inference is strong that it was on this 
orchestra that the plays of the four dramatists were produced, 
and, with the picture of this orchestra before us, we can easily 
see how, in the final catastrophe of the Prometheus, the Titan 
and his sympathizing chorus were made to disappear from the 
sight of the spectators. 


92 THE ATTIC STAGE OF THE FIFTH CENTURY 


The walls of the oldest stage-buildings, and of the cavea, 
belong to the same period of construction. 
eee gece ‘‘Wherever these walls were not exposed to view 
belong to the — as in the inner supporting walls of thecavea * 
oxen * * and in the lower foundations of the stage- 
buildings, they are constructed of blocks of brec- 
cia of the same size, shape and method of working throughout. 
If exposed to view, as in the outer cavea wall and in the upper 
courses [of the stage-buildings]|, Peiraieus limestone was used. 
When any portion of the superstructure remains, the Peiraieus 
limestone is covered by Hymettos marble.’’! It is evident, 
then, that the stage-buildings and cavea belong to the same 
period of construction. That this period is the fourth century 
B. C. is shown by three facts: (1) No ruins in Athens con- 
structed as these are belong to a period prior to the fourth cen- 
tury. (2) At the point A in the supportiug-wall of the cavea 
are found the letters 2 and ὁ, the former of which is of the shape 
in use after the time of Eucleides. (3) At the point B in the 
supporting wall is an inscription,? the date of which is uncer- 
tain, but which certainly falls somewhere within the period 
450-400 B.C. That the inscription could not have been made 
after the stone which bears the inscription was put in its pres- 
ent position is clear from the fact that above it are two layers 
of stone. It is only reasonable to believe that the stone re- 
mained in its former position some length of time, before it was 
removed to the cavea wall. The longer we may believe it to 
have remained in its former position, the later do we bring the 
construction of the cavea walls. Dorpfeld points, further, to 
the fact that the fourth century was the great theatre-building 
time in Greece, and to the improbability that so important a 
structure as the theatre of Dionysus, had it been built in the 
fifth century, could haveescaped mention by classic writers. 


1 Pickard, p. 71. 2 Published in CIA, I., 499. 

3 Haigh (A. T., p. 123f.) opposes these views of Dorpfeld, and, relying on the tra- 
dition recorded by Suidas (v. πρατίνας), that after the collapse of the wooden benches 
in 499 B. C., when Pratinas, 4tschylus and Cheoerilus were exhibiting, a stone theatre 
was built, believes that we are probably justified in assuming that the stone theatre 
was begun early in the fifth century. 


THE STAGE 93 


The proscenium connected with these stage-buildings be- 
longs toa period still later. Thestylobateupon | 
which rested the supporting columns of the pro- ἘΠῊΝ ees 
scenium consisted of Hymettos marble resting the stage-buildings. 
directly upon a foundation made mostly of 
breccia. This was a method of construction not in use till 
after the time of Lycurgus. During, and before, his time, be- 
tween the marble and the breccia would have been a layer of 
Peiraieus limestone. The columns of the proscenium with the 
epistyle were about twelve feet high, corresponding, thus, with 
the similar parts of the theatre at Epidaurus. The upper sur- 
face of the stylobate is on a level with the surface of the orches- 
tra that is directly in front of the proscenium. 

The columns of the proscenium, which rested upon the 
stylobate, were full columns, .50 m. in diameter. 
In thecenter of the proscenium were threedoors, Th columns of the 
the center door being in the center of the pro- ἰἐρσιὸς ἃ Kee 
scenium. The width of this door was 1.6 m:; 
that of the other two alittle less. That these were, in truth, 
doors is proved by the fact that the inter-columnar spaces are 
greater where the doors were than elsewhere, and by the exist- 
ence in the stylobate of traces of door-posts. Between the cen- 
ter door and those on the sides of it, there was in each instance 
but a single column. When the stylobate was constructed, the 
fronts of the paraskenia were cut off, so that they ended with 
the stylobate. 

Modern archeological investigations, thus, show us acavea, 
an orchestra, and stage-buildings, all belonging 


to a period later than the time of the great No Rath tree 
A 5 of stage-buildings 
dramatists. They show us, also, the ancient or- in’ easly tine 


chestra with which no stage-buildings were 

connected; and this latter fact is strong indication that there 
was no fixed type of stage-buildings in those days, and that 
these varied as the individual plays demanded. 


94 THE ATTIC STAGE OF THE FIFTH CENTURY 


$5 EVIDENCE AGAINST A STAGE FROM THE EXTANT PLAYS! 


ZESCHYLUS—Supplices 

As Danaus comes as anescort to hischildren, the assumption 

is fair that he makes his entrance with them, 

Supplices (s.) and stays with them in theorchestra. If hehad 
entered between the opening of the play and the 

time when he begins speaking, it is probable that some an- 
nouncement of his arrival would have been made. At verses 
180ff., he mentions the approach of a messenger of an army,a 
spear-brandishing crowd with horses and curved chariots. He 
thinks that these may be coming “πρὸς jyas’ (184). The use of 
this last word indicates that he was close to his children. At 
verse 189, Danaus commands his children: πάγον πρυσίζειν τῶνδ᾽ 
ἀγωνίων θεῶν. The word τῶνδε indicates that the altar was near 
to the speaker. The command is repeated (191): ὡστάχιστα fare, 
and thechorus in reply state their desire to be near their father, 
in the words: θέλοιμ᾽ ἂν δὴ σοὶ πέλας θρόνους ἔχειν (208). They 
again flee to this altar, at the arrival of the herald (836). In 
none of theseinstances in which thechorus approached the altar 
is there reason to believe that they ascended a flight of steps. 
The altar, then, which was near to both father and children, 
was in the orchestra. The herald (836) orders the children to 
go to the ship; he orders them (852) to leave the altars; he 
threatens to drag them (883); he repeats this threat: ἕλξειν ἔοιχ᾽ 
ὑμᾶς ἀποσπάσας χόμης (909). The king tells the herald (940f.) that 
he may lead away the willing maidens. It is evident, then, that 
the herald, also, was near to the children and the altar. He, 
also, was in the orchestra. The king (954f.) bids the children 
go to the city. They ask (968ff.) that before they go their 
father be sent to them. He arrives at v. 980, and then leads 
the way to the city, followed by his children. It can hardly be 


1 Many of the arguments advanced in the following pages have been produced by 
White, in ‘‘The ‘Stage’ in Aristophanes”’, Harv. Studiesin Class, Phil.,1891; by Capps, 
in ‘The Greek Stage’, Trans. Amer. Phil. Ass., 1891: and by Pickard, in ‘The Relative 
Positions of Actors and Chorus in the Greek Theatre’, Amer. Jour. Phil., July, Oct., 
1893. The conclusions reached in the following pages have, however, been arrived at 
by an independent study of the plays, and before reading the articles above mentioned. 
In all cases, where suggestions have been received from those writers, credit has been 
given to them. 


THE STAGE 95 


believed that in this procession the father marched out by the 
stage, the children by the parodos. 
No scenery was needed for this play. All that wasrequired 
was an orchestra in which were many altars (Cf. 465), and in 
which actors and chorus took part. 


Perse 

At her second entrance (598), Atossa announces that she 
comes without herchariot: ἄνευ τ᾽ ὀχημάτων (607). 
Because she thus specifies, we may infer that at Perse 
her first entrance (159) she came in her chariot. 
It may be safely assumed that in the instances where actors ar- 
rived on chariots they entered by the parodos into the orches- 
tra. We have seen that the depth of the stage at Athens was. 
eight feet, or, allowing for distegia and scenery, a trifle less than 
five feet.1 There was not room for a chariot on a stage suchas. 
that. Though Xerxes arrived in sorry garb (907), it was 
probable that he was accompanied by attendants, and that he 
entered onacharivt. He, therefore, as well as Atossa, entered 
into the orchestra; and it is evident that Atossa expected her 
son to come to this place, for, before she left to prepare the liba- 
tion in honor of her husband, she urged the chorus (529) to es- 
cort herson tothe palace,if he should comein herabsence. Evi- 
dently, the chorus could not act as an escort to Xerxes, if he 
was to enter upon a stage, while they were in the orchestra. 

At verse 598, Atossa returns with the offerings in honor of 
her husband. The chorus participate with her in offering the 
libation (623ff.)2 The tomb of Darius, therefore, was near to 
both Atossa and the chorus, a fact that is furthershown by the 
words of the ghost (684): λεύσσων δ᾽ ἄχοιτιν τὴν ἐμὴν τάφου πέλας, 
and (686): ὑμεῖς δὲ θρηνεῖτ᾽ ἐγγὺς ἑστῶτες τάφου. The presence of 
Darius in the orchestra is shov-n by the dread of the chorus to: 
speak in his presence. They say (694f.): σέδομαι μὲν προσιδέσϑαι, | 
σέδομαι 0 ἀντία λέξαι. Darius, after conversing with the chorus for 
twenty-two verses (681-702), turns to Atossa and bids her 
speak (703ff.) The conversation then is between Darius and 
Atossa, and extends to v. 784, when heagain addresses the cho- 


1 Page 89 above. 2 Cf. Pickard, p. 202. 


96 THE ATTIC STAGE OF THE FIFTH CENTURY 


‘rus: ἐμοὶ ξυνήλιχες (784). This turning, first to one, then to the 
other, plainly indicates that all were together. 

The chorus (671ff.) call Darius from the lower world. He 
appears at verse 681, and at once addresses thechorus, though 
Atossa is present. The underground passage with a flight of 
steps leading from it to the center of the orchestrain the theatre 
at Eretria has been described.1 No such passage has been dis- 
covered at Athens, but the inference is strong that sucii a pass- 
age existed there, and that by means of it the ghost of Darius | 
_ entered in the present instance, for, if the entrance had been to 
the stage upon which Atossa was standing, the first words of 
the ghost would naturally have been addressed to her, not to 
the chorus. Atossa, in the text, is not recognized by the ghost 
till v. 703. 

At verse 1038, Xerxes says to the chorus: πρὸς δόμους δ᾽ ἔϑε, 
and he repeats the command at v. 1068: ἐς δόμους ze. The play 
closes with the words of the chorus (1076): πέμψω τοί σε δυσϑρόοις 
γόοις, with which words Xerxes and thechorus leave the theatre 
together. , 

No scenery was needed for this play. The δόμος evidently 
was not in the background. When Atossa enters at v. 598, 
presumably she came from her house, and this was so faraway 
that she might have come on her chariot; else she would not 
have specified that she had come withoutit. At the close of 
the play, when the chorus was ordered to lead to the δόμος, the 
command was evidently not to lead to a δόμος in the back- 
ground. This play required only an orchestra upon which both 
actors and chorus stood. 


1 Cf. p. 87 above. 


THE STAGE 97 


‘Seven Against Thebes 


The play opens with the words Addyov πολῖται, That Eteocles 
is here addressing many of the citizens is evident 


from his words: Seven 


against Thebes 
Suae δὲ yon νῦν. χαὶ τὸν ἐλλείποντ & 
ὑμᾶς OF χρὴ νῦν, χαϊ TOY ἐλλείποντ ETL 


ἥβης ἀχμαίας χαὶ τὸν ἔξηδον χρόνῳ 
πόλει τ᾽ ἀρήγειν χ. τ. A, (10, 11, 14). 
and ἀλλ᾽ ἔς τ᾽ ἐπάλξεις χαὶ πύλας πυργωμάτων 
ὁρμᾶσϑε πάντες, συῦσϑε σὺν παντευχίᾳ 
πληροῦτε θωραχεῖα x, τ, 4. (80-33). 
The question may fairly be asked whether all these persons 
would not have more than filled the stage. 

In several places the choreutz are represented asclinging to 
the altars. Atv. 96f., they say: ἀχμάξει βρετέων | ἔχεσθαι; at v. 
Q11f.: GAR ἐπὶ δαιμόνων πρόδρομος ZA40v ἂρ- | χαῖα, and at v. 258 Ete- 
ocles says to them: παλινστομεῖς αὖ θιγγάνυυσ᾽ ἀγαλμάτων, These al- 
tars were, of course, in the orchestra. But Eteocles also prays 
to the tutelary deities (69ff.); he must have been near to the al- 
tars at that time, and, therefore, he was in the orchestra.1 

At the close of the play, the chorus in two divisions leave 
the theatre, one division as an escort to the body of Polynices, 
the other as an escort to that of Eteocles, cf. 1068ff. It is rea- 
sonable to believe that Antigone and Ismene accompanied the 
bodies of their brothers (cf. the conversation between Antigone 
and the herald, vs. 1026-53); and to do this it was necessary 
that they make their exit from the orchestra. 

The scenery of this play is simple, yet more extensive than 
that of either of the two preceding plays. There were present 
many altars, as already noted, and there was represented also 
the acropolis of Thebes, τάνδ᾽ ἐς ἀχρόπολιν | τίμιον ἕδος, ἱχόμαν (240f.). 

Prometheus Vinctus 


This is the first of the plays of A%schylus to require much 
scenery; and it requires more than any stage 
could accommodate. The scene represents a 
tract of land, οἷμον (2); a wilderness, ἄδροτον ἐρη- 
μίαν (2); a cheerless rock, ἀτερπῆ πέτραν (31); crags, πέτραις (56). 


Prometheus 
Vinctus 


1 Cf. Pickard, p. 203f. 


98 THE ATTIC STAGE OF THE FIFTH CENTURY 


To these crags Prometheus was fasteued by mighty force, éyzpa- 
tet σϑένει (55). . 

The chorus at vy. 128 enters on its winged chariot, and re- 
mains in it till, at the request of Prometheus (272), it statesits 
intention of alighting upon the ὀχριυέσσῃ yiovt (282). It is evi- 
dent that during the time of speaking these verses (128-282) 
the chariot, with the choreutz within it, was not suspended in 
the air. They state in v. 130 that they have come τόνδε πάγον; 
Prometheus asks them to gaze upon his fetters (14.1ff.); and this 
they do (144ff.). If the car containing the chorus was not in 
the orchestra, it was resting upon the stage; yet the rock upon 
which Prometheus was bound must have occupied so much of 
the stage that there would not have remained sufficient room 
for this winged chariot. 

At v. 282, the chorus say that they will alight upon the 
jagged ground. -Haigh! here understands that at this point 
the chorus descend to the orchestra. The words of the verse 
are: ὀχριοέσσῃ χϑονὶ τῇδε πελῶ, There is nothing in these words to 
imply that the chorus descended from stage to orchestra; nor 
has anything been said in the text implying that the orchestra 
was ézpidets—i. e., granting that the action took place on the 
stage. It was the latter that was ὀχριόεις, If, then, up to this 
point the choreutz have been on the stage, the verse means that 
the choreute alight from their car upon the rocky surface of the 
stage. Beforethe intention of the chorus to alight is more than 
spoken, Oceanus enters (284) on winged steed; and thus a 
horse and rider are to be added to the numbers present on the 
already overcrowded stage. 

At vs. 1058ff., Hermes warns the Oceanide to withdraw 
from the spot, lest the thunder smitethem. This they refuse to 
do, and, after protestations of sympathy for the sufferer, final- 
ly meet their doom together with him. Ontheassumption that 
Prometheus was on a stage, and the chorus in the orchestra, 
there is difficulty in understanding how both actor and chorus 
were made to disappear; but, if we believe that the position of 
both the Titan and his sympathizing chorus was the floor of 


ὯΔ AST ALS st. 


THE STAGE 99 


that ancient orchestra, the southern side of which was several 
feet higher than the ground,! there is less difficulty in under- 
standing how actor and chorus were caused to disappear. 


Agamemnon 


In the background was the palace of the Atreide, στέγης 
᾿Ατρειδῶν (3). In the speech that opens the play, 
the watchman states that on the roof of this Agamemnon 
palace he has kept watch for a year. The roof 
of the proscenium would have afforded a more suitable place 
upon which to keep so long a watch, than would a distegia of 
three feet in depth. 

The herald, v. 524, cautions the chorus to warmly welcome 
Agamemnon on his arrival: εὖ νιν doxdcao%s; and in verse 601 
Clytemnestra states it as her intention to welcome back her 
husband: σπεύσω πάλιν μολόντα δέξασϑαι. As he 15, thus, to be wel- 
comed by both actor and chorus, we may expect him to come 
to a place common to both actor and chorus. He arrives (782) 
in his chariot, and we need not doubt that he entered the or- 
chestra. The chorus in saluting the king states its desirenot to 
fall short in showing him affection, za:pov χάριτος (787). This 
affection would have seemed rather a cold one, if the king had 
been high above the chorus, on a stage. 

At verse 906, the queen invites Agamemnon to alight, and 
(908f.) calls upon her attendants to spread tapestry for him to 
tread upon. If this action took place upon the stage, there 
were upon the stage a chariot, the attendants of Clytemnestra, 
the attendants of the king, for, though no such persons are 
mentioned, a king would not have come unattended, besides the 
queen herself, and space upon which to spread the tapestry. 

At the cry of Agamemnon, after he has received his death- 
blow, the chorus exclaims (1350): ἐμοὶ δ᾽ ὅπως τάχιστά γ᾽ ἐμπεσεῖν 
δυχεῖ, Such a sentiment as this would not have been expressed 
if there had been a difficult ascent to climb in order to reach the 
palace; nor, in this case, would the verb used have been ἐμπεσεῖν, 
Some verb expressing ascent would have been used. 

When Clytemnestra re-appears, she points out to thechorus 


1 Cf. p. 91 above. 


100 THE ATTIC STAGE OF THE FIFTH CENTURY 


the body of the slain king, with the words: οὗτός ἐστιν *Ayapépvwy, 
ἐμὸς | πόσις, νεχρὸς δὲ (1404f.). Wecan easily believe that at this 
time the chorus surrounded the dead body, (cf. their lamenta- 
tions 1489ff. and 1513ff.). Likewise, while the chorus and Cas- 
sandra are carrying on the long conversation (1053-1330), we 
naturally think of the chorus as gathered around the captive. 
Cf. their pity expressed, οἰχτέρω σε, 1321. 

The scene in which occur the threats of Aigistheus and the 
chorus would have lost all force if A2gistheus had been raised 
on a stage above the chorus. The chorus says (1651): εἴα δὴ, 
ξίφος πρόχωπον πᾶς τις εὐτρεπιξέτω, to which A¢gistheus replies (1652): 


ἀλλὰ μὴν χαγὼ πρόώχωπος οὐχ. ἀναίνομαι θανεῖν 
Ry j . 


Choephori 

To the palace in the background there are numerous refer- 
ences: δόμων (22), πύλας (561), θύρας (652), δόμων 
Cheephori (712), δόμοις (885). At the opening of the play, 
Orestes is sitting at the tomb of his father, τύμ- 
Gov (4). Atv. 22 the chorus enter announcing that they have 
comeas an escort to the libation. They went, therefore, to the 
tomb. Orestes, then, at the opening of the play was in the or- 
chestra. Since Electra entered with the chorus, she also went 
to thetomb in theorchestra. At v. 149, Electra pours the liba- 
tion, and the chorus participate by chanting as the offering is 

made, doubtless surrounding the tomb as they do so.1 
After the murder of Aigistheus, Orestes displays the robe in 
which Aigistheus was captured, and says to thechorus [988f. ]: 
ἐχτείνατ᾽ αὐτὸ χαὶ χύχλῳ παρασταδὸν | στέγαστρον ἀνδρὸς δέξασθ'᾽, and with 
these words we may understand that he handed the robe to the 


chorus. 
Eumenides 


The chorus (140ff.) rush from the temple of Apollo in search 
of Orestes. Atv. 179, Apollo says to the cho- 
Eumenides rus: ἔξω, χελεύω, τῶνδε δωμάτων τάχος | ywpsit. We 
may, therefore, infer that they lingered near the 
temple. 


1 Cf. Capps, p. 45. The factthat Electra and the chorus were together during this 
libation convinced Hermann that the tomb was on the margin of the stage. De re. 
scen. in Aisch. Orest., p. 9: ‘‘Non est dubitandum quin sepulcrum Agamemnonis in 
margine proscenii sit.’’ 


THE STAGE 101 


At vs. 244ff., the chorus of Furies are searching for Orestes. 
They must have entered the theatre by the same route by which 
he had entered. Their words are: 

Etev* τόδ᾽ ἐστὶ τὰἀνδρὺς ἐχφανὲς τέχμαρ᾽ 

ἕπου δὲ μηνυτῆρος ἀφήξγχτου φραδαῖς͵ 

τετραυματισμένον γὰρ ὡς χύων νεδρὸν 

πρὸς αἷμα zat σταλαγμὸν ἐχματεύομεν, 
That the Furies search in all places where Orestes would be like- 
ly to be is shown by their words (255f.): 

ὅρα ὅρα pak αὖ λεῦσσέ τε πάντα, μὴ 

λάϑῃ φύγδα βὰς ματροφόνος atizas, 
He is at last found at the altar of Athena: περὶ βρέτει πλεχϑεὶς ϑεᾶς 
ἀμδρότου (259). The chorus, thus, in this search scene are onthe 
stage, if there was a stage. 

At the trial scene, we may believe that all the participants 
were together. The Furies, as prosecutors of Orestes, would 
naturally be near him. The judges, the men of the Areopagus, 
would not be separated from either plaintiff or defendant. Be- 
sides these, there were present Apollo, Athena, who presided, 
the servants of the temple, who at the close of the play led the 
procession, and altars, of Earth (2), of Themis (2), and of 
Athena (446). There was room for this trial scene only in the 
orchestra. 

At the close of the play, Athena says (1003f.): προτέραν δ᾽ ἐμὲ 
χρὴ | στείχειν θαλάμους ἀποδείξουσαν. At the head of the procession 
proper are the servants of the temple with lighted torches, (cf. 
1005): πρὸς φῶς ἱερὸν τῶνδε προπυμπῶν, Nextinthe processioncome 
the Areopagites, who are followed by the Eumenides, (οἴ. 1010f.): 

ὁμεῖς δ᾽ ἡγεῖσϑε, πολισσοῦχοι 

παῖδες Kpavaod ταῖσδε μετοίχοις. 
It seems highly improbable that the splendor of this clos- 
ing scene was marred by having different parts of the proces- 
sion leave the theatre on different levels. 


SOPHOCLES—Ajax 
When the chorus returned from their search for Ajax (866), 
as they were still searching for him, it is only 
reasonable to suppose that they looked in the Ajax 
places where he would likely be. The search 


102 THE ATTIC STAGE OF THE FIFTH CENTURY 


continued till Tecmessa found him (891). That the chorus 
roamed for so long a time on the stage is not probable, nor is 
it probable that Tecmessa was searching on one elevation, and 
the chorus on another. The extent of the place in which the 
search occurs is shown by the circumstances of the finding 
of Ajax. Tecmessa finds the body, and exclaims: ἰώ μοί μοι 
(891.) The cry is heard by the chorus, but at first they do not 
see Tecmessa (892). Finally they cry: δύσμομον νύμφην ὁρῶ (894.) 
The search for Ajax then takes place in the orchestra. _ 

At v. 984 Teucer asks where the son of Ajax is. Thechorus 
reply (985) that heisin the tent. Teucer says (986): δητ᾽ αὐτὸν 
ἄξεις δεῦρο; Though the order is not executed,it would not have 
been given if great difficulty had stood in the way of its execu- 
tion. Finally, theboy comes from thetent (1168); Teucer takes 
him to the corpse of his father (1172), and intending himself to 
depart, in order to prepare for the burial of Ajax, he commends 
him to the care of the chorus. Cf. 1182f.: 

ἡμεῖς τε μη γυναῖχες aut ἀνδρῶν πέλας 

παρέστατ᾽, ἀλλ᾽ ἀρήγετ'᾽. 
It is evident that during this scene chorus and actors were to- 
gether. 

At v. 329 Tecmessa says to the chorus: ἀρήξατ᾽ εἰσελθόντες, 
They do not obey the command, yet they go very near to the 
tent. At v. 344 the chorus ask Tecmessa to open the door, and 
at v. 346 she opens it, adding: προσδλέπειν δ᾽ ἔξεστί σοι, At ν. 3544. 
the chorus comment on what they see within the tent, and at 
v. 361 they are so near Ajax that he even commands them to 
slay him. In this scene, then, the chorus is on the stage, if there 
was a stage. 
| The play closes with a procession, in which all leave the 
theatre together. References have been made to the burial of 
Ajax, cf. 1413ff., where Teucer says: ἀλλ᾽ ἄγε πᾶς, φίλος ὅστις ἀνὴρ] 


~ ’ , lier > ~ ~ ΄ ᾽ » ~ 
φησὶ παρεῖναι, συύσϑθω, βάτω | τῶνδ᾽ ἀνδρὶ πονῶν τῷ πάντ᾽ ἀγαθῷ. 
᾽ Ἵ Ἵ Ἵ 


THE STAGE — 103 


Antigone 

When Ismene enters, she approaches so near to the chorus 
that they notice closely her troubled counte- 
nance. Cf. 526ff.:  - Antigone 

χαὶ μὴν πρὸ πυλῶν 70 ᾿Ισμήνη, 
φιλάδελφα χάτω δάχρυ᾽ εἰδομένη" 
νεφέλη δ᾽ ὀφρύων ὕπερ αἱματόεν 
ῥέϑος αἰσχώνει, 

τέγγουσ᾽ εὐῶπα παρειάν, 

When Creon enters with the lifeless body of his son, the 
chorus are the first to see his approach, and his first words are 
to them. Cf. 1261ff.: 

ἰὼ φρενῶν δυσφρόνων ἁμαρτήματα 

στερεὰ θανατόεντ᾽, 

ὦ χτανόντας τε χαὶ 

θανόντας βλέποντες ἐμφυλίυυς. 
How near the chorus at this time drew to the body of Hamon, 
it is impossible to say, but it is only natural to believe that 
they actually surrounded it. 

At the conclusion of the play, Creon says (1339): 

ἄγοιτ᾽ ἂν μάταιον ἄνδρ᾽ ἐχποδῶν 
Creon has baa conversing with the chorus since v. 1317, and 
the command we may believe is addressed to them, and that 
with the closing words of the chorus vs. 1347-1353, chorus and 
actors leave the theatre together. 


Electra 


The sympathy that the chorus felt tor Electra wasso great 
that we do not naturally think of them as 
separated from her in position. This sympathy Electra (Soph.) 
is displayed in the conversation that takes 
place between them vs. 121-327. Atv. 130 Electra calls the 
chorus her solace (zapapi%ov), at v. 229, her comforters (zapa- 
yopot.) During vs. 804-874 Electra and the chorus are again 
alone, the chorus here (cf. 828 ff.) trying to comfort Electra. 
At v. 1204 Orestes would speak in their presence, if convinced 
of their friendliness, and at v. 1204 Electra assures her brother 
that they are friendly. 


104 THE ATTIC STAGE OF THE FIFTH CENTURY 


When the attendant arrives (660), he addresses his first 
words to the chorus, asking whether he is at the palace of the 
king. Clytemnestrais at the time present. Had the attendant, 
entered on a stage, on which an actor was present, he would 
not have directed his first words to the chorus. Similarly, 
when Orestes arrives (1098), he addresses the chorus first, 
though Electra is present. In the latter instance, after the 
chorus (1102) have assured Orestes that he is at the palace of 
ZEgistheus, Orestes asks them, v. 11083 f.: 

τίς οὖν ἂν ὑμῶν τοῖς ἔσω φράσειεν ἂν 
ἡμῶν ποϑεινὴν χυινόπουν παρουσίαν; 

It is evident from this question that it would not have been 
difficult for a member of the chorus to go from orchestra to 
palace. It is true that no member of the chorus actually 
does go into the palace, but, as in all the instances where the 
chorus is ordered to enter, or deliberates doing so, the failure 
to enter the palace can in no way be construed as evidence that 
there were steps to climb, in order to reach it. The fact that it 
is suggested that they enter is sufficient evidence that to do so 
is not unusual, or difficult. In none of the cases that occur of 
a deliberated or an ordered entrance, is there any suggestion of 
difficulty, or any verb used implying that anascent would have 
to be made. In the presentinstance, thechorus turn to Electra, 
and (1106) bid her go within the palace; but she also fails to 
go. It could not be claimed that her failure was due to the 

difficulty of reaching the palace. 

(Edipus Tyrannus 

When the chorus bow as suppliants before the king (40f.), 
and, again, when they prostrate themselves be- 
CEdipus Tyrannus fore thepriest (827), we may believe that chorus 
and actors were not separated. The priest 
assumes that the suppliants were with him: (ὦ παῖδες, ἱστώμεσϑα, 
147).1 At the close of a long conversation (988-1045) between 
CEdipus and the messenger, suddenly the messenger addresses 
the chorus (1046), and then C2dipus addresses them (1047), as 
bystanders: ὑμῶν τῶν παρεστώτων πέλας, This freedom of conversa- | 


1 Pickard, p. 211. 


THE STAGE 105 


tion implies closeness of position. Had the messenger (924) en- 
tered upon a stage, inasmuch as Jocasta was standing there, 
he would not have directed his first words to the chorus. 
Though nothing in the context leads us to think that the 
chorus ascended from orchestra to stage, they were there, if 
there was a stage, when (Edipus ordered them to take him 
away, and when he ordered them to touch him. Cf. 1340 f.: 


ἀπάγετ᾽ ἐχτόπιον ὅτι τάχιστά με, 
ἀπάγετ᾽, ὦ φίλοι, τὸν ὄλεϑρον μέγαν, and 1410: 
ὅπως τάχιστα πρὸς θεῶν ἔξω μέ ποὺ 


χαλύφατ᾽ ἢ φονεύσατ᾽ ἢ θαλάσσιον 
ἐχρίφατ᾽, ἔνϑα μήποτ᾽ εἰσόμεσϑθ᾽ ἔτι. 
ἔτ᾽, ἀξιώσατ᾽ ἀνδρὸς ἀϑλίου θιγεῖν. 
Also Creon orders the chorus to take CEdipus away. Cf. 1429: 
GAR ὡς τάχιστ᾽ ἐς οἶχον ἐσχυμίζετε. 
(Εαϊριι5 Coloneus 

The scene of this play was the grove of the Eumenides, ἄλσε- 
σιν θεῶν (10), ἄλσος (98), in which were the bay, 
the olive, the vine (17). Into thisgroveAntigone Gdipus Coloneus 
had conducted her father. At the entrance of 
the citizen of Coloneus, C2dipus retired from the sacred grove 
(36ff.). If, at this time, he was on the stage, as the grove must 
have occupied the greater part of it, we must believe that he 
withdrew to one end of it; and we must believe, also, that all 
the actors in the play stood at one end of the stage, for they, 
also, would not tread on hallowed ground. If this was the 
case, it is difficult to see where the attendants of Creon stood 
(723), or now Ismene entered on horseback (324). 

After the chorus have ordered CEdipus to withdraw from the 
grove, the following conversation takes place (178, 180 f.): 

CEd.: zpe6o; Chorus: ἐπίδαινε πόρσω. 

CEd.: ξεν Chorus: zpobt6ale, χούρα, | πόρσω: 
Such a movement as that could have taken place only in the 
orchestra. 

When the chorus enter, they search for CEdipus, προσδέρχου, 
λεῦσσέ νιν, | πρυσπεύδου πανταχῇ they say (121f.). If they looked 
‘every where’ for CGidipus, they must have looked for him on 
the stage; yet nothing indicates that they mak 


106 THE ATTIC STAGE OF THE FIFTH CENTURY 


In twoinstances, actors on entering direct their first words 
to the chorus, though other actors are present, viz: Theseus at 
v. 1500, though C&dipus is present, and Creon at v. 728, 
though Antigone and CEdipus are present. It would have been 
entirely unnatural in these instances for Theseus and Creon to 
enter on a stage, on which were other actors, and yet direct 
their first words to the chorus. 


The nearness of position of chorus and actors is shown by 
the fact that CEdipus calls the chorus his allies (815); CEdipus 
trusts them (175), and they say that nobody shall take him 
away (176 f.): they will protect him (491). Antigone also is 
counsetled to protect her father (508). At v. 803 Cidipus refers 
to the chorus as “τούσδε τοὺς πέλας, Creon says (832) that he is 
taking away his own [Antigone and Ismene]; The chorus 
threaten him (834 f.); Creon bids them take their hands from 
him (836), and this they refuse to do (836). The chorus repeats 
its command (838 f.) Antigone is being dragged away (843). 
- Creon again forbids the chorus to touch him (856), but they 
persist in defending Antigone (881), and, finally, they see The- 
seus and his attendants approaching, and cry to them to hast- 
en to the rescue (884 f.) There is noreason to think thatin this 
scene the chorus is on the stage. The action, therefore, took 
place in the orchestra. 

Philoctetes 

No Greek stage was large enough to accommodate the 
scenes represented in this play. The scene repre- 
Philoctetes sents a shore (1), a cavern with double entrance 
(16), a fountain (21). So extensive is the place 
that, at the moment, Ulysses does not see the cavern (28). Ne- 
optolemus tells Ulysses that the cavern is above them (29), and 
so near to it is he that he discovers trodden leaves within it 
(33). Evidently, a path leads to the cavern (22). At v. 1262 

Neoptolemus speaks of the cavern as ‘rocky.’ 

At v. 29 Neoptolemus hears no sound within the tent; at 
v. 207 the chorus hear Philoctetes crawling, ἕρποντος, At v. 
861 the chorus describe the look on the face’of Philoctetes ; at 
v. 866 Neoptolemus notices that he is moving his eye. In these 
instances chorus and actor are equally near to the tent. 


THE STAGE 107 


The chorus, in this play, have a part to perform that is the 
same as that of Neoptolemus and Ulysses: we therefore expect 
to find no separation in position. Atv. 48 Neoptolemus says 
that Philoctetes is approaching, and that the path shall be 
watched [by him]. At vs. 150ff. the chorus speak of their duty 
of watching for the coming of Philoctetes, adding their fear lest 
he approach to them unobserved. It is clear, then, that Phil- 
octetes was to approach to a position occupied by both 
chorus and Neoptolemus. 


At v. 825 Neoptolemus brings the chorus into the action 
with himself; ἀλλ᾽ ἐάσωμεν, φίλοι, he says. When Philoctetes vents 
his rage (927-962), the chorus reply (963), τέ δρῶμεν; two other 
actors being present at the time. When Philoctetes appears 
(219), his opening words are to both chorus and Neoptolemus 
(cf. ξένοι 219). 

The possibility of personal contact between chorus and 
actor is clearly implied when, in order to prevent the execution 
of the threat of Philoctetes to cast himself from a rock (1001f), 
Ulysses commands the chorus to lay hold of him (1003). This 
same possibility is implied in the conversation between Philoc- 
tetes and the chorus (1174-1205). Here Philoctetes fears that 
the chorus may take him back to Troy (1174f.); the chorus re- 
ply (1176) that they may do so; Philoctetes orders them to 
leave him (1177). As they move away, intending to go to the 
ships (1180), he calls them back again (1184f.) ; he repeats the 
invitation to return (1190), adding that he would make but 
one request of them (1203), that they give him an axe, ora 
sword, or some other weapon (1204f.) 

At the close of the play, all leave the theatre together with 
the words of the chorus: γωρῶμεν δὴ πάντες ἀολλεῖς (14.69). 


Trachiniz 


If the actors were on the stage, in this play, they did not 
have very much room for action, for there were 
present many maids (202f.), and many others 
of the train of Hercules (299f.). 


At 9644f. the chorus see the body of Hercules being brought 
in. This body was evidently brought into the orchestra, for 


Trachiniae 


108 THE ATTIC STAGE OF THE FIFTH CENTURY 


thechorus are sonear to it that they notice that it is speechless. 
Furthermore, it is a sympathizing chorus, shuddering at the 
fate of Hercules (1044 ff.) 

The sympathy existing between Deianira and the chorus 
was such that we would not expect them to be separated. She 
comes forth (531ff.) to tell them her woes in private (λάϑρᾳ 
533); and again she tells them her woes (663ff.). Twice she 
calls the chorus her friends (298, 531); and it was not likely 
that she would tell the chorus (594 ff.) her plans in the presence 
of the herald, with the injunction to keep them secret, unless 
she was in the orchestra so close to them that the herald could 
not hear what the plans were.! 


EuRIPIDES—Alcestis 
The chorus are near to the house of Alcestis, for they notice 
(86f. that there is no wailing, or beating of 
Alcestis hands within the house; that there is no water 
before the gates (100); and that there is no 
shorn hair in the vestibule (101). 

In the funeral procession, it is inconceivable that the body 
and chief mourners leave on one level, while the principal part 
of the procession leaves on another. Admetus, in addressing 
the chorus, says (422ff.): | 

ἀλλ᾽ ἐχφοράν yap τοῦδε θήσομαι vexpod, 

πάρεστε χαὶ μένοντες ἀντηχήσατε, 

παιᾶνα τῷ χάτωδεν ἀσπόνδῳ NEO 5 and, again, ‘ 

(6O6ff.): avdpdv Φεραίων εὐμενὴς παρουσία, 

νέχυν μὲν δὴ πάντ᾽ ἔχοντα πρόσπολοι 

φέρουσιν ἄρδην εἰς τάφον τε χαὶ πύραν᾽ 

ὑμεῖς δὲ τὴν ϑανοῦσαν, ὡς νομέίξεται, 

προσείπατ᾽ ἐξιοῦσαν ὑστάτην 60d», and, again, 
(140): στείχωμεν, ὡς ἂν ἐν πυρᾷ Μῶμεν vexpoy, 

On the return, Admetus says (861): ἰώ, στυγναὶ πρόσοδοι, and 
the chorus say (872): πρόδα πρόδα' βᾶϑι χεῦῆος οἴχων, ‘The chorus 
and Admetus leave the orchestra together, and tones they 
return into the orchestra.? 


1 Pickard, p. 212f. 2 Cf. Capps, p. 14f. 


THE STAGE 109 


Medea 

The sympathy existing between Medea and the chorus was 
such that we would not expect them to be sep- 
arated from each other. At νυν. 1116 she calls Medea 
them her friends (φίλαι), just as at v. 138 they 
had spoken of her family as friendly (¢é4ov). In the conversa- 
tion in which Jason, Medea, and the chorus take part (866ff.), 
both the chorus and Medea are moved to tears. Cf. 905f. 

_ The chorus (180ff.) tell the nurse to bring Medea from the 
palace. We may naturally infer that she was to be brought to 
the place where thechorus were. The words of thechorus were: 
ἔξω. At v. 820 Medea says to 
the chorus: aA? εἶα χώρε: χαὶ x68 ᾿Ιάσονα, and that one of the cho- 
rus actually did go to the house for Jason may be inferred from 
the latter’s first words on entering (866): ἤχω χελευσϑείς. 

When Medea is about to kill her children, the chorus medi- 
tate entering the house (cf. 1275, zupéiw dépovs;), and thesons 
call to them to come to their aid (οἴ. 1277, vai, πρὸς θεῶν, apy Zaz’). 
The chorus, at this time, were standing near the house, as may 
be inferred from Jason’s words (1293): γυναῖχες al τῆσδ᾽ ἐγγὺς ἕστα- 


TE στέγης. 


ἀλλὰ βᾶσά νιν δεῦρο πόρευσον οἴχων 


Hippolytus 
Phedra says to the chorus in vs. 575ff.: 


. . ra > ~ oi 
ἀπωλόμεσδμα, ταῖσδ᾽ ἐπιστᾶσαις πύλαις. 


ἀχυύσασή οἷος χέλαδος ἐν δόμοις πίτνει, Hippolytus 
to which the chorus reply, v. 577f.: 
σὺ παρὰ χλῃ ρα: σοὶ μέλει πομπίμα 


φάτις δωμάτων. ι 
There is, in neither the order nor the reply, any intimation that 
the chorus would be obliged to makean ascent in order toreach 
the house. 

When Pheedra hangs herself, the nurse asks the chorus to 
render aid: βυηδρομεῖτε πάντες of πέλας δόμων (777). The chorus de- 
liberate whether they shall enter the house. Cf. 782f.: 

φίλαι, τί δρῶμεν; ἢ δοχεῖ περᾶν δόμους 

λῦσαΐ τ᾽ ἄνασσαν ἐξ ἐπισπαστῶν βρόχων; 
The words of the nurse, v. 786f. show them that it is too late 
for them to be of assistance, so they do not enter the house. 


110 THE ATTIC STAGE OF THE FIFTH CENTURY 


When Theseus arrives, he addresses the chorus (790): γυναῖχες 
ἔστε τίς ποτ᾽ ἐν ddpots βοή; to which they reply (804): τοσοῦτον ἔσμεν" 
ἄρτι γὰρ χἀγὼ δόμοις. From this we may infer that, though they 
did not enter, they approached near to the house. 

Hippolytus was certainly not on the stage, when he asked 
the chorus to conduct him away. Cf. 1098f.: 

ἴτ᾽, ὦ νέοι pot τῆσδε γῆς ὅμήλιχες, 
προσείπαϑ᾽ ἡμᾶς χαὶ προπέμφατε χϑονός, 
Andromache 
A stage would not have been large enough to contain the 
shrine of Thetis, at which Andromache was sit- 
Andromache ting at the opening of the play. It is referred 
to by several different names: ἄγαλμα (115), ἂγ- 
λαὸν ἕδραν (135), δῶμα Δδηρῇδος τόδε | od βωμὸς οὐδὲ ναός (161f.). It 
could not have been in the background, for the palace was there; 
it was, therefore, in the orchestra.! 

At vs. 879f. the chorus announce that Orestes is coming 
toward them (πρὸς ἡμᾶς, 880). When he arrives his first words 
are to the chorus (881f.). He states that he is present to learn 
concerning Hermione (cf. 887ff.). Hermione is herself present, 
and answers him (891ff.). He, thus, does not observe Her- 
mione, till ten verses after his arrival. This scene is rendered 
clear, only on the assumption that the chorus see Orestes com- 
ing toward them over the parodos, and that hesees them before 
he sees Hermione, and, therefore, addresses them first. When 
Peleus enters, v. 547, his first words are to both chorus and 
Menelaus: ὑμᾶς ἐρωτῶ τόν τε χ. τ. ἡ. 

The sympathy that the chorus feel for Andromache may in- 
duce us to believe that they were not separated from her. (Cf. 
οἰχτρυτάτα, 141; ᾧχτειρ᾽, 421). 

The nurse requests the chorus toenter the palace and render 
aid: ὑμεῖς δὲ βᾶσαι τῶνδε δωμάτων ἔσω (817). The entrance of Her- 
mione makes it unnecessary for the chorus to obey the com- 
mand, yet, if to do so had involved either difficulty or ascent, it 
is natural to believe that something in the text would have so 
implied. - . 


1 Pickard, p. 278, 


‘THE STAGE | 111 


Heracleidz 

At vs. 69f. Iolaus calls on the chorus to defend the sons of 
Hercules: ὦ τὰς “Adjvas δαρὸν οἰχοῦντες χρόνον | ἀμύ- 
ve¥. Copreus threatens, despite the protests of Heracleide 
Demophoon, to drag away these children: τούσ- 
de δ᾽ οὐχ ἄξεις ποτέ (252; cf. also 3.658. ). The chorus order Co- 
preus to depart. Cf. 273: 

anehbe χαὶ σὺ τοὺδε μὴ θίγης, ἄναξ, 

whereupon, Copreus replies that he yields to their numbers 
(274): στείχω: μιᾶς yap χειρὸς ἀσθενὴς μᾶχη. It is evident that the 
chorus could not have thus inspired Copreus with fear, if they 
had not been near to him. 


The children were certainly near to the choreutz, when Io- 
laus ordered them to extend to the choreute their hands, and 
the choreutez to extend theirs to the chlldren. Cf. 307f.: 

δότ᾽ 


ὑμεῖς Te π cial χαὶ πέλας προσέλϑετε. 


ἐχν᾽ αὐτοῖς yetoa δεξιὰν δότε 
5 @ TE y TOLS Let pa πον ἐν OUTE, . 


When Iolaus saw ORSR coming, he called to thechildren, 
(vs. 48f.): ὦ τέχνα τέχνα, δεῦρο, Aap6dved® ἐμῶν | πέπλων: JItis evident 
that they then took their seat at the altar. Cf- 61: 

od O77, ἐπεί pot βωμὸς ἀρχέσει θεοῦ. 

At v. 344. Iolaus asserts that they will remain at this altar. 
We may believe, therefore, that, when they extended hands to 
the choreute, they rose from their seats and approached the 
‘choreutee who were standing near them. 


Supplices 


At v. 10 the chorus are surrounding A2thra as suppliants: 

ἱχτῆρι θαλλῷ προσπίτνυυσ᾽ ἐμὺν γόνυ, Tf, at this time, 
the chorus are on the stage, they remain there ϑαρριίοεβ (Eurip.) 
till v. 359, or during more than one-fourth of the 
play. Cf. 359f.: ἀλλ᾽ ὦ γεραιαὶ, σέμν᾽ ἀφαιρεῖτε στέφη | μητρός. On this 
assumption, they sang the long ode (42-86) on the stage. At 
no place is mention made of their descending into the orchestra. 
At v. 279 they are evidently near to Theseus. Cf. 277f.: 

πρός σε γενειάδος, ὦ φίλος, ὦ δυχιμώτατος ᾿ λλάδι, 

ἄντομαι ἀμφιπίτνουσα τὸ σὺν γόνυ χαὶ χέρα δειλαία. 


hee 811ff. Adrastus orders the bodies of the slain to be 


112 THE ATTIC STAGE OF THE FIFTH CENTURY 


brought in. At v. 815ff. the chorus, who are the mothers of the 
dead, ask that the bodies of thechildren be placed in their arms, 
and their request is granted.1 

At v.941 Adrastus orders the mothers to draw nigh to their 
children; this Theseus opposes (942ff.), and Adrastus then 
promises the mothers that they shall at last receive the bones 
of their sons: ὅταν δὲ τούσδε προυσϑῶμεν πυρί, | ὀστᾶ προσάξεσδπ᾽ (948f.). 
These bones they see brought in at v. 1114f., and receive them 
from the boy that brings them: φέρ᾽, dug) μαστὸν ὑποβάλω σποδόν 
(1160). 
At the close of the play, v. 1232, the chorus say, στείχωμεν 
*Adpao¥ , and with those words chorus and actors leave the the- 


atre together. 
Hecuba 


Hecuba enters with the chorus saying (59ff.): 

ἄγετ᾽, ὦ παῖδες, THY γραῦν πρὸ δόμων, 
Hecuba ἄγετ᾽ ὀρϑοῦσαι τὴν ὁμόδουλον, 

Tpwadzs, ἡμῖν, πρόσὴἧς δ᾽ ἄνασσαν" 

λάδετε φέρετε πέμπετ᾽ ἀεέρετέ pov 

γεραιᾶς χειρὸς πρυσλαζύμεναι" 
Hecuba, thus, enters the orchestra, and it was entirely appro- 
priate that she who was a captive should appear in the imme- 
diate company of the chorus, who were composed of captive 
women. 

Talthybius enters at v. 484, and addresses the chorus ask- 
ing where he may find Hecuba. The chorus reply that she is 
lying on the ground near him: αὕτη πέλας cov νῶτ᾽ ἔχουσ᾽ ἐπὶ χϑονέ 
(486). If Talthybius had entered on the stage, on which 
Hecuba was lying, he must certainly have seen her, and his 
question to the chorus would have been superfluous. Assum- 
iug that he entered the orchestra, we can easily believe that 
Hecuba, as she lay on the ground, was for the moment hidden 
from his view by the members of the chorus. 

The chorus deliberate entering the tent: βούλεσλ᾽ ἐπεισπέσωμεν; 
(1042), but the appearance of Hecuba makes it unnecessary for 


them to do so. 


1 Cf. Capps, p. 44f. 


THE STAGE 113 


Atv.1056 Polymnestorcomes forth blinded and maddened. 
Hecuba has previously (1054f.) expressed her intention of flee- 
ing from him. It would, however, seem to be a difficult task 
to find a safe retreat from a maddened man on a small stage. 
Polymnestor wanders in all directions (1056ff.), till, finally, he 
hears the concealed steps of the women of the chorus: (χρυπτὰν 
βάσιν αἰσϑάνομαι | τάνδε γυναικῶν 1070F.). He is now in the orches- 
tra, though no mention has been made of his descending a flight 
of steps, which, in fact, would not be an easy task for a blind 
and enraged man. The evident explanation is that when Hec- 
uba fled from Polymnestor she withdrew to a remote part of 
the orchestra. Thechorusalso fled from Polymnestor, and aft-_ 
er he had roamed over all parts of the orchestra, he came upon 
them (1070), as they were treading with muffled step. 

At the close of the play, all leave the orchestra together. 
Agamemnon says (1288f.): 

δεσποτῶν δ᾽ ὑμᾶς χρεὼν 
σχηναῖς πελάζειν, Τρῳάδες" and the chorus reply, 
vs. 1293ff.: ἔτε πρὸς λιμένας σχηνάς te, φίλαι, 
τῶν δεσποσύνων πειρασόμενα: ' μόχϑων᾽" 
Hercules Furens 

The chorus are near enough to the children of Hercules to 
notice that the color of their eyes resembles that 
of their father’s (130ff.). Thechorus will defend = Hercules Furens 
the children (261f.). We may, therefore, believe 
that the chorus were near to the children. 

When Hercules arrives, he finds his children in the midst of 
a crowd of men: ὄχλῳ ἐν ἀνδρῶν (527), and hestates his intention 
of drawing nigh to them (529). As, before this, no mention has 
been made of a crowd of men, we may believe that Hercules 
found his children close by the chorus. 

At v. 747f. the chorus say: 

GAR ὦ γεραιέ, zat τὰ δωμάτων ἔσω 
σχυπῶμεν. 

At v. 761 they express their intention to withdraw, and at 
v. 763 they begin a choral ode. It is evident, therefore, that the 
chorus did not mount the stage, for, on that assumption, we 
should be obliged to think either that the time of speaking a 


114. THE ATTIC STAGE OF THE FIFTH CENTURY 


single verse was all that they required for passing from the 
stage to their positions in the orchestra, orelse that they began 
the choral ode before reaching the orchestra. Either of these 
suppositions is improbable. The chorus, then, merely moved 
toward the wall of the proscenium. There is no evidence that 
they saw what was taking place within the house. 

At v.1031 thechorus have again approached the house, and 
this time they see many things thatare within it. Amphitryon 
orders them to withdraw, that Hercules may continue sleeping 
(104.2ff.); hetells them to withdraw still further (1047ff.). This 
they do, and are no longer able to see what is within the house, 
for, while at v. 1034 they notice that Hercules is sleeping, after 
withdrawing from the house they say to Amphitryon (1060) 
“εὕδει; 

Ion | 
Creusa calls thechorus her faithful servants: (δούλευμα πιστόν, 
| 748). The chorus declare to Creusa that they 
Ion desire to share her fate (857f.). With such sym- 
pathy existing between Creusa and the chorus, 
we may believe that they were not separated in position. 

Ion says to the chorus, v. 510: πρόσπολοι yovaizes, at τῶνδ᾽ ἂμ- 
gi χρηπῖδας δόμων; We may believe, therefore, that the chorus 
were stationed near to the temple. 

The chorus (219ff.) ask Ion whether it is permitted them 
to enter the temple. At v. 222 he replies that it is not, but in 
vs. 226ff. tells them the conditions of sacrifice upon which they 
may enter. We may, therefore, infer that their entering would 
have been neither difficult nor unexpected. 

The entrance of Creusa and the Pedagogue, at-v. 725, was 
evidently by a parodos. They begin speaking at v. 725, and 
have not approached near enough to thechorus to address them 
till v. 747. No stage would hawe been large enough to allow 
so extended a conversation, while they were walking from one 
side to the center of it.1 


1 Pickard, p. 282. 


THE STAGE 115 


Troades 
The chorus came from the tent in the background. Cf. 
176f.: οἴμος, τρομερὰ σχηνὰς ἔλιπον 


τάσδ᾽ ᾿Μγαμέμνωονος x, τ. ἡ. : 
Talthybius states (296t.) his intention of lead- Troades 
ing away the captive women: 
εἶτα τὰς εἰληγμένας 
nul τοῖσιν ἄλλοις αἰχμαλωτίδων ἄγω. 

In vs. 12668 he commands them to go to the ships: 

χωρεῖτε ἡρώων παῖδες, ὀρδίαν ὅταν 

σάλπιγγος ἡγχὴν δῶσιν ἀρχηγοὶ στρατοῦ, 

πρὸς ναὺς ᾿Αχαιῶν, ὡς ἀποστέλλησὴςε γῆς. 
At v. 1269 he commands Hecuba also to go: 

σύ τ΄, ὦ γεραιὰ δυστυχεστάτη γύναι. 


These orders are obeved and chorus and actors leave together. 


Ce 133: ἰὼ τάλαινα πόλις" ὅμως δὲ 
πρόφερξ πόδα σὸν ἐπὶ πλᾶτας ᾿Αχαιῶν, 
Helena 


The chorus at v. 327 state their desire to go into the palace 
with Helen: θέλω δὲ χαγὼ σοὶ συνεισελήεῖν δόμους, 

Helen in reply, vs. 330f., calls the chorus her Helena 
friends, and bids them enter the house: βᾶτε βᾶτε 
δ᾽ εἰς δόμους, After the close of this dialogue (385), neither cho- 
rus nor Helen appears again till the chorus speaks at v. 515 
saying: ἤχουσα τὰς θεσπιῳδοὺ χύρας, Helen says, v. 528f.: 

ἥδ᾽ αὖ τάφου τοῦδ᾽ εἰς pas ἐγὼ πάλιν 

στείχω, μαϑοῦσα Osovdns φίλους λόγους, It is clear, 
therefore, that Helen and the chorus enter the palace in com- 
pany. 

In Shounen passage, the chorus and an actor are very near 
each other. At v. 1628, Theoclymenus bids the chorus stand 
aside. They then refuse to let go his garments (1629). He or- 
ders them to let him go (1631). This they refuse to do (1631). 
Finally they say to him, (vs.1639f.): χτεῖνε" σύγγονον δὲ σὴν | οὐ γτενεῖς 


wv , 
ἡμῶν ἐχόντων, ἀλλ᾽ ep. ° 


116 THE ATTIC STAGE OF THE FIFTH CENTURY 


Iphigenia in Tauris 
Iphigenia calls the chorus her attendants (προσπόλοισιν, 63), 
δμωαί (143), dearest women, (φίλταται γυναῖχες, 
Iph. in Taur. 1056). She beseeches them to keep her plans 
secret. Cf. 1068ff.: 
ἀλλὰ πρός σε δεξιᾶς, 
σὲ χαὶ σ᾽ ἱχνοῦμαι, σὲ δὲ φίλης παρηίδος 
γονάτων. Her she beseeches the members of the 
chorus individually, even grasping them by the knees. 

At v. 342 Iphigenia orders the strangers brought in. The 
chorus first see them coming (456f.); and at v. 468 Iphigenia 
orders the chorus to release them from their bonds: μέϑετε τῶν 
ξένων χέρας. 

At v. 470 Iphigenia orders the chorus to go within the 
temple, and make ready the sacrifice: ναοῦ δ᾽ ἔσῳ στείχοντες edtps- 
πίζετε, and a similar command is given at v. 1079: σὸν ἔργον ἤδη 
χαὶ σὸν εἰσδαίνειν δόμους" 

At v. 636 Iphigenia says that she is going into the temple, 
and calls upon the chorus to guard the strangers: φυλάσσετ᾽ ad- 
τούς, πρόσπολοι, δεσμῶν ἄτερ (638). Thechorus could hardly guard 
those that they were not near to, and especially, as is specified 
here, when the ones to be guarded were without bonds. 

At vs. 159f. Iphigenia is about to pour the libation. ‘The 
chorus join in this libation with an ode (179ff.). We can hard- 
ly believe that at this time chorus and actor are separated. 
Iphigenia has already (61ff.) stated her intention of offering the 
libation in company with the chorus. 

When Thoas enters (1152), he addresses the chorus asking 
where he can find Iphigenia. Sheis herself present, and thecho- 
rus so inform him: δ᾽ ἐστίν, ἥ cot πάντ᾽ ἄναξ, ἐρεῖ σαφῶς (1156). It 
seems improbable that Thoas here entered onastage, and asked 
the whereabouts of a person who was close beside him. On the 
assumption that he entered the orchestra, his failure to see one 
among so many persons was entirely natural. 


THE STAGE 117 


Electra 


Electra returns from the spring at v. 112. Orestes is pres- 
ent, yet he is not discovered by his sister till v. 

215. Orestes has seen Electra’s approach, but Electra 
has made noeffort toconceal himself (107ff.) It 
is evident, then, that the entrance of Electra was not upon a 
stage. During the time of singing the ode (112-166), we may 
believe that Electra was slowly advancing over the parodos, 
and through the orchestra. At v. 167 she meets the chorus, 
who are coming in over the opposite parodos. They then re- 
turn together conversing, and slowly approach the house, in 
front of which at v. 215 they discover Orestes sitting. Electra 
then suggests to the chorus that they flee, she into the house, 
they over theroadway.! On their return together, Electra and 
the chorus are so near each other that she asks them to look at 
her locks, and her ragged garments: 

σχέφαι pov πιναρὰν χόμαν 

zai τρύχη TAO ἐμῶν πέπλων, (184) 

At the entrance of Clytemnestra on her chariot (988), the 
chorus first address her, as was natural on the assumption that 
she entered the orchestra. At v. 1004 Electra comes forward 
and offers to help her mother alight. 


Orestes 


On their entrance, the chorus approach near to the palace 
in front of which Orestesis lyingasleep. Electra 
(136ff.) addressing them as dearest women (¢¢/- casme 
taza: γυναῖχες) bids them proceed with gentlestep, 
lest they awake Orestes. The chorus promise quiet, (144). 
They are so near to Orestes at v. 173 that they notice that he 
is sleeping, (ὑπνώσσει). Electra has already ordered them to 
withdraw (170), and at v. 180 she again orders them to retire 
from hiscouch. This time they obey, and at vs. 208f. they request 
Electra to draw nigh to the couch, in order to see whether her 
brother still lives. Although this scene could have been acted 
with a stage five feet in height, with a stage of the Vitruvian 


Lt. Ch Capps,’ p. 21. 


118 THE ATTIC STAGE OF THE FIFTH CENTURY 


height the chorus could not have approached near enough to 
Orestes to see that he was sleeping. 

At v. 356 Menelaus enters, and at vs. 375ff. asks the chorus 
where Orestes is. The latter is present, and replies (380ff.) to 
the words of Menelaus. At v. 470 Tyndareus enters, and in- 
quires of the chorus where he can find his son-in-law, Menelaus. 
The latter is present and replies to the wordsof Tyndareus. If, 
in the former instance, the claim should be made that Menelaus 
asked the chorus for the information he desired, because, al- 
though he saw Orestes, he did not recognize him (cf. 377ff.), the 
claim could hardly be made, in the latter instance, that Tyn- 
dareus failed to recognize his son-in-law. The true explana- 
tion doubtless is that, as the chorus are the first to see the in- 
coming actors (cf. 348, 456ff.), so, on arriving, the actors see 
the chorus before seeing other actors present, which would have 
been possible only on condition of their entering the orchestra. 
In the case of Menelaus, that he came into the immediate pres- 
ence of the chorus, is still further shown by his command to 
them to conduct him to his son, ἄγετέ με (474). 

Electra arranges the chorus in two divisions. Cf. 1251f.: 

στῇ at μὲν ἡμῶν τόνδ᾽ ἁμαξήρη τρίδουν, 

at δ᾽ ἐνλμάδ᾽ ἄλλον οἷμον εἰς φρυυρὰν δόμων. 
The arrangement of the chorus here was, no doubt, that one 
division stood at the entrance of one parodos, the other at the 
entrance of the other. As they were to bea guard to the house, 
we may believe that the house was on the level on which they 
were standing. 

For the exciting scene, during the course of which Orestes 
threatens to kill Hermione, there was not room on thedistegia. 
Orestes says (1578): 

μέλλω χτανεῖν σοὺ θυγατέρ᾽, εἰ δούλει partety, 
Menelaus had already said (1573ff.): 

ἔα, τί χρῆμα; λαμπάδων ὁρῶ σέλας, 

δόμων δ᾽ ἐπ᾿ ἄχρων τούσδε πυργηρουμένους, 


ξίφος δ᾽ ἐμῆς θυγατρὸς ἐπίφρουρον δέρῃ. 


THE STAGE 119 


Pheentsse 
When the chorus prostrate themselves before Polynices, we 
may believe that he was in the orchestra near 
them. Cf. 291ff.: Phoenissz 
ὦ συγγένεια τῶν Ayjvopos τέχτων, 
ἐμῶν τυράννων, ὧν ἀπεστάλην ὕπο, 
γουνυπετεῖς ἕδρας προσπίτνω σ᾽, ἄναξ͵ 
The chorus (296ff.) summon Jocasta from the house, that she 
may embrace her son. Jocasta comes forth at v. 301 and be- 
gins addressing the chorus, notcatching sight of her son till she 
has spoken three verses. Cf. 304ff.: 
tw τέχνον, 
χρόνῳ σὸν ὄμμα μυρίαις ἐν ἁμέραις 
προυσεῖδον" 
Iphigenia in Aulis 
Clytemnestra enters on her chariot at v.607. After thank- 
ing the chorus for their words of welcome! she 
speaks as follows (610-618): Iph. in Aulis 
GAR ὀχημάτων 
ἔξω πυρεύεν" ἃς φέρω φερνὰς χόρῃ, 
χαὶ πέμπετ᾽ εἰς μέλαϑρον εὐλαδούμενοι, 
σὺ δ᾽, ὦ τέχνον μος, λεῖπε πωλιχοὺς ὄχους, 
ἁδρὸν τιδεῖσα zOhov ἀσϑενές θ᾽ ἅμα, 
ὑμεῖς δὲ νεάνεδές vey ἀγχάλαις ἔπι 
δέξασὴςε χαὶ πυρεύσατ' ἐξ ὀχημάτων 
χαΐί μοι χερός τις ἐνδότω στηρίγματα, 
θάχουυς ἀπήνης ὡς ἂν ἐχλίπω χαλῶς. 
These words were spoken to the chorus; and they would have 
been meaningless, unless Clytemnestra had been in the orches- 
tra at the time of speaking them. Clytemnestra next greets 
Agamemnon (633f.); Iphigenia does likewise (cf. 635ff.).2 We 
may, therefore, infer that Agamemnon also was in the orchestra. 
At vs. 111f. the Presbeus is ordered by Agamemnon to go 


to Argos with a letter. The command is repeated at v. 139, 


1 The verses of the chorus spoken in welcome to the approaching Clytemnestra 
(598-606) are bracketed in the Nauck edition, as well as vs. 619-632 whichinclude part 
of Clytemnestra’s opening speech, and the words of Iphigenia stating her desire to go 
to greet her father. 2 These verses also are bracketed in the Nauck edition. 


120 THE ATTIC STAGE OF THE FIFTH CENTURY 


when the Presbeus replies (140), σπεύδω, βασιλεῦ, Then follows a 
conversation between Agamemnon and the Presbeus (141-161), 
in which the former gives parting instructions, and the latter 
assents to the former’s injunctions. During this conversation 
the two were doubtless moving slowly away; but it would 
have been impossible to consume the time of speaking (twenty- 
two verses) while walking from the center to the side of the 
stage. Agamemnon and his deputy, then, as they spoke these 
verses, were moving slowly down the parodos. 


Bacchz 


The sympathy existing between Dionysus and the choreute 

would lead us to believe that they were not sep- 

Sia ohteon arated in position. When Dionysus is away 

from them, they call him to come into their band 

(582ff.), and when he comes, they éxpress their desolateness in 
his absence (609), and call him their guardian (614). 


The play opens with a speech by Dionysus. At vs. 58ff. the 
god bids the chorus take their drums, and beat them around 
the palace of Pentheus. This order would imply that the pal- 
ace was within easy reach of the chorus while standing in their 
usual position. Dionysussays (56f.) that he brought the women. 
of the chorus as his assistants andcompanions. We may infer, 
therefore, that at the opening of the play Dionysus marched in- 
to the orchestra followed by the chorus. 


The entrance of Pentheus at v. 215 was into the orchestra. 
After entering he speaks for thirty-three verses (215-247), and 
then exclaims (248f.): ἀτὰρ τόδ᾽ ἄλλο ϑυῦμα * * ἢ 
Had Pentheus entered on a stage on which were Cadmus and 
Teiresias, the latter could not have escaped the attention of 
Pentheus, while he was speaking thirty-three verses. 


Agave wasin the close company of the chorus during her 
conversation with tiem (1168-1201). The chorus call hera 
fellow-reveler (1172); presenting the head of the lion she bids 
them (1184) partake of the feast; Tie chorus comment on the 
hair on the head in the hands of Agave (1188). 


At vs. 974ff. Dionysus states his intention of leading Pen- 
theus to the mountains. It is probable that their exit was by 


Tztpzatav ὁρῶ. 


THE STAGE 121 


the parodos, for the choral ode that follows (977-1028) is but a 
farewell to Dionysus and Pentheus, the final words of which 
are: ἔν", ὦ Bazye, θηραγ ρευτᾷ Baxyay 

γελῶντι πρυσώπῳ περίδαλε 

βρόχον ἐπὶ θανάσιμον 

ἀγέλαν πεσόντι τὰν ἢαινάδων, ᾿ 
On the assumption that Dionysus and Pentheus made their ex- 
it from the stage, by a side door, they were out of the theatre, 
before the ode was hardly more than begun; but considering 
that they made their exit from the orchestra, the spectacle in 
which two men were going forth, one to obtain his vindica- 
tion, the other to meet his death, while the chorus looking at 
their slowly retreating figures sang to them a parting ode, and, 
when, at last, they were well nigh out of hearing, uttered a 
final hope of the success of Dionysus, was an extremely express- 
ive one. 

At the close of the play, Agave bids her home and city fare- 
well (1368f.); she bids her father farewell (1379), and then says 
to the chorus: ἄγετ᾽ ὦ πυμποί με (13881). The chorus sing a final 
ode (1388-1392), and we may believe that then chorus and act- 
ors leave the theatre together. 


Rhesus 

The chorus act as a guard to the tent of Hector. (Cf. vs. 
15, 524, 813). Their proper position, then, was 
near to the tent. At the opening of the play Rhesus 
they go to the tent (1ff.), to which they announce 
(50) that they have come as a messenger. 

At vs. 523f. Hector orders the chorus to go a little forward 
to keep guard. When thecharioteer of Rhesus approaches, they 
think (730) that perchance ‘some one falls into the net.’ It 
would appear, then, that the charioteer was coming directly 
toward the place where the chorus were standing. 

The chorus on re-entering (674) encounter Ulysses, and cry 

(675f.): βάλε, βάλε, βάλε, Bade, 
θένε, θένε" τίς ὅδ᾽ ἀνήρ; Ulyses replies 
(683): Oavet γὰρ σήμερον δράσας χαχῶς, The chorus 
continue their threat (684): 


ye μι 7γω ἘΣ ΕΜ, ἡ) ἤν « ‘ —_ 7) ἣ ) -ἰ x 4 λεῖν" 
οὐχ ἐρείς ξυνϑημα, AOYYHY πριν OA στέρνων μυλξιν:; 


122 THE ATTIC STAGE OF THE FIFTH CENTURY 


When Ulysses finally gives the watchword, the chorus with- 
draw with the words (688): ἔμαθον" ἔσχε πᾶς δόρυ, Atv. 877 Hec- 
tor commands the chorus to seize the charioteer, and conduct 
him within the tent. During these two scenes it can hardly be 
claimed that chorus and actors were on different levels. 

At the close of the play, Hector says to the chorus (986f.): 

χωρεῖτε, συμμάχους θ᾽ ὁπλίξεσϑαι τάχος 
ἄνωχςξ πληροῦν T αὐχένας ξυνωρίδων. The chorus re- 
spond 993f.): πείϑου βασιλεῖ στείχωμεν ὅπλοις 
χοσμησάμενυι καὶ ξυμμαχίᾳ x. τ, 4.5 and, with the clos- 
ing words of the chorus, we may believe that actors and chorus 
leave the theatre together. 
Cyclops 
The cave of the Cyclops is in the background. The chorus 
enter attended by servants who drive the flocks 
Cyclops (36ff.). Silenus orders the chorus to bid the ser- 
vants drive the flocks into the cave. Cf. 82t.: 
σιγήσατ᾽, ὦ τέχν᾽, ἄντρα δ᾽ εἰς πετρηρεφῆ 
ποίμνας ἀϑροῖσαι προσπόλους χελεύσατε, 
The chorus do as ordered. Cf. 84: 
ywpsit, ἀτὰρ δὴ τίνα, πάτερ, σπουδὴν ἔχεις; 
Whether these flocks appeared as real goats or as men assuming 
the guise of goats, we have no means of knowing; but it is evi- 
dent that they actually entered the cave from the orchestra. 
We can hardly believe that they scrambled up a flight of steps, 
in order to reach this cave. 

The chorus tell Ulysses (471) that they desire to aid him in 
subduing the Cyclops. They ask themselves (483ff.) who will 
be the first to lay hold of the brand that is to put out the Cy- 
clops’ eye. Ulysses urges them to aid him (590ff.). He tells 
them toseize the brand, and enter the cave (630f.) They again 
say that they wish to share in the task of subduing the mon- 
ster (632ff.) At last, they begin to find reasons why they can 
not joininthe work. Someare standing too far away from the 
portals (635f.); others have just become lame (637); others also 
are lame (638f.); the eyes of others are filled with ashes (640f.); 
but it is noticeable that none of them urge the difficulty of climb- 
ing steps, which would have been a natural reason to urge, if 


THE STAGE 123 


there had-been any steps to climb, especially for those that had 
just become lame. The true reason for the failure of the cho- 
orus to enter the cave may probably be ascribed to the poet’s 
desire to make a display of their ridiculous cowardice.1 

Ulysses must have been in the close company of the chorus, 
when he threatened to strike them. Cf. 210f.: 


re dele Cle A eS 
TC φατε; τί ASYSTE 5 


τάχα τις ὑμῶν τῷ ξύλῳ 
δάχρυα μεϑήσει" 

At theclose of the play,it is probablethatchorusand actors 
left the theatre together. At vs. 441f. Ulysses tells the chorus 
that he has a plan for their escape from slavery; at vs. 701ff. 
he says that he will go to the shore to launch his ship; and, in 
the closing words of the play (708f.), the chorus speak of them- 


selves as the fellow-voyagers of Ulysses. 


ARISTOPHANES—Acharnians 


At the opening of the play is represented an assembly on the 
Pnyx. Diczopolis says (20ff.) that, although 
the Pnyx is then empty, when the Prytanes ar- Acharnians 
rive they wil! jostle each other for the first seats, 
rushing down ina body. The Prytanes enter at v. 40, and, as 
Diczeopolis had prophesied they would do, they crowd for the 
first seats (42). At v.91 Pseudartabas arrives, and with his 
attendants he withdraws at v.122. A στρατὸς Odopdvtwy enters 
at v. 156. There were present, also, others, ἐχχλησίαν (56). The 
assembly is called to order by the herald (43), and is dismissed 
by him (172f.). For this scene, which was made to resemble a 
regular assembly on the Pnyx, it seems hardly possible that 
there was room on the stage. 

The chorus were very near to Diczopolis when, as he was 
going forth to celebrate the rural Dionysia, they meet him, and 
ery (280ff.): οὗτος αὐτός ἐστιν, οὗτος 

βάλλε βάλλε βάλλε βάλλε 

παῖς πᾶς τὸν μιαρόν. 

od βαλεῖς, od βαλεῖς; 
He fears that they may break the pitcher that he carries, (οἴ. 
284): ‘Hpdzists, τουτὶ τί ἔστι; τὴν χύτραν συντρίῴφετε, but they reply at 


1 Capps, p. 42. 


124. THE ATTIC STAGE OF THE FIFTH CENTURY 
v. 285 that it is not the pitcher, but he, that they will harm: 


σὲ μὲν οὖν χαταλεύσυμεν, ὦ μιαρὰ χεφαλή. 
The chorus wereat another time near enough to Diczopolis 
to threaten him with personal violence. Cf. 564f.: 
οὗτος σὺ ποῖ θεῖς, od μενεῖς ; ὡς εἰ θενεῖς 
τὸν ὄνδρα τοῦτον, αὐτὸς ἀρϑήσει τάχα. 
When Diczopolis is to make trial of his skill in speaking, the 
chorus order him to bring the chopping block from the house, 
adding (365): 
θεὶς δεῦρο τοὐπίξηνον ἐγχείρει λέγειν. 
When he brings the chopping block, he says (366): 
(00d θέασαι, τὸ μὲν ἐπίξηνον τοδί, 
We may infer, therefore, that he brought the block near to 
the chorus, and, standing on it, make his speech. 
At the close of the play, Diczeopolis says (1231): 
Exeadé νυν ἄδοντες ὦ τήνελλα χαλλίνιχος, 
The chorus reply (1232ff.): 
GAR ἑφόμεσμα σὴν χάριν 
τήνελλα χαλλίνιχον χ(, τ, λ., 
and, with these words, we may believe that chorus and actors 
leave the orchestra together. 


Knights 
In several instances in this play, chorus and actors are 
brought into close relations with one another. 
Knights At v. 244 Demosthenes urges the sausage-seller 
to resist the Paphlagonian, adding, by way of 
encouragement to the sausage-seller, that the chorus are near. 
The chorus enter at v. 247. Their first words are: παῖς παῖς τὸν 
πανοῦργον, and then they also strike him. Cf. 251f.: 
ἀλλὰ παῖξ χαὶ δίωχε χαὶ τάραττε χαὶ χύχα 
χαὶ δδελύττου, zat γὰρ ἡμεῖς. 
The Paphylagonian then turns to the audience, and exclaims 
(257): ὡς ὑπ᾽ ἀνδρῶν τύπτομαι ξυνωμοτῶν, 
The chorus then (258) defends itself for making the attack. 
Again the chorus strike the Paphlagonian. At v. 451 they 
cry: zal ἀνδριχῶς, tO which he replies (451f.): fod, fon, τὐπτουυσί μ᾽ 
vb ξυνωμόται. 


At the close of v. 491 the chorus hand a flask of oil to the 


THE STAGE 125 


Sausage-seller, and, at the close of v. 493 they hand hima head 
of garlic. At the close of v. 922, they hand to Cleon a ladle. 


Clouds 

At v. 1490 Xanthias is on the roof of the phrontisterion. 
At v. 1494 Strepsiades also is on the roof. On 
being asked what he is doing there, the latter Clouds 
replies (1495f.) that he is chopping logic with 
the beams of the house; and he declares at v. 1503 that he is 
walking on air, and speculating about the sun. It will be 
readily admitted that, for the free movements incidental toa 
scene such as this, the roof of the proscenium was more suited 
than was a distegia only three feet deep. 

The closing words of the play are by the chorus: ἡγεῖσθ᾽ ἔξω" 
χεχόρευται yap μετρίως τό γε τήμερον ἡμῖν (1510), and, with these 
words, it is probable that all march from the theatre together 
with the actors leading the way. 

| Wasps 

There is an extensive use of the distegia in this play. The 
house of Philocleon is represented in the back- 
ground. At the opening of the play, Bdelycleon Wasps 
is on the roof; at v. 143 a rumbling in thechim- 
ney tells him that Philocleon is trying to reach theroof; theson 
drives back his father (147f.); at v. 207 the latter appears on 
the roof. The chorus enter at v. 230, along a city street (cf. 
246).1 The conversation that follows, in which Philocleon 
and the chorus take part, was evidently carried on in front of 
the house of the former. If, at this time, the chorus were in the 
orchestra, and Philocleon was on the traditional distegia, he 
was on a level about twenty feet above that of the choreutz.2 
The scene becomes morenatural if we assume that, at this time, 
Philocleon was on the roof of the proscenium. 

The chorus at v. 383 promise Philocleon that they will de- 
fend him. He reminds them of their promise (402) when Bdely- 
cleon attempts to prevent his escape. They prepare to abide 
by their promise. Cf. 423: 


ὃ ~ Dy. eae. \ Z > =F Sy δι 
εὔρο χαἀξείρας τὸ χέντρον SIT ἐπ αὐτὸν ἵεσο. 


1 Cf. Pickard, p. 292. 2 Cf. White, p. 193. 


126 THE ATTIC STAGE OF THE FIFTH CENTURY 
They again threaten Bdelycleon. Cf. 437: 


εἰ δὲ μὴ τοῦτον μεϑήσεις, ἔν τί Oot παγήσεται. 
They finally rush against Bdelycleon, and he exclaims (456): 
mate παῖ, ὦ Ξανδία, tubs σφῆχας ἀπὸ τῆς οἰχίας, 
The Wasps are beaten back and Xanthias says (460): 
ap ἐμέλλομέ 
At the close of the play, chorus and actors leave the orches- 
tra together, the former dancing. Cf. 1535ff.: 


GAR ἐξάγετ᾽, εἴ τι φιλεῖτ᾽ ὀρχούμενοι θύραξε 


vy πο ὑμᾶς ἀποσυδήσειν τῷ χρόνῳ 


ὑμᾶς ταχύ" τοῦτο γὰρ οὐδείς πω πάρος δέδραχεν, 
ὀρχούμενον ὅστις ἀπήλλαξεν χυρὸν τρυγῳδῶν. 
Peace 

At v. 80 Tyrgeeus mounts a beetle, and, after a journey 
through the air, reaches heaven. Finding that 

Peace the goddess, Peace, has been cast into a cave 
(ἄντρον βαϑύ, 223), he calls upon all to aid him in 

drawing her out (296ff.). At once the chorus appear. At 490 
ff. Hermes, Tyrgzeus, and the chorus all lay hold of the rope, 
and draw Peaceforth. Itisevident thatchorus and actors are to- 
gether in this scene, for (1) thechorus are told by Tyrgzeus(309ff. ) 
to be quiet lest they disturb Polemos, who is in the palace, and 
(2) when Hermes grants permission to thechorus to drag away 
the stones that covered Peace, he tells them to go within the 
cave. Cf. 427: εἰσιόντες ὡς τάχιστα τοὺς λέϑους ἀφέλχετε. Finally, it 
would haveruined the illusion, if Tyrgzeus and Hermes had been 
in heaven pulling on the rope, while the chorus were on the 
earth pulling on the same rope. The traditional view must as- 
sume that Tyrgzeus ascended to the distegia above the stage, 
and that the chorus climbed first to the stage, and then to the 
distegia. This would, however, seem to have been impossible. 
The probable explanation is that Tyrgzeus ascended to the roof 
of the proscenium, and that on this level the chorus entered, re- 
maining there till Peace had been drawn from the cave, and 
then withdrawing, and appearing in theorchestra. Theremay 
remain the objection that too many may have thus appeared 
on the roof of the proscenium, but this objection applies still 
more forcibly to the view that would hold that so many 
appeared on the traditional distegia; and it is noticeable, fur- 


THE STAGE 127 


ther, that during this scene there is no song by the chorus that 
would require dancing. 

Tyrgeus declares (881f.) that he will lead Theoria among 
the spectators; and he apparently does this. Cf. 905f.: 

GAR ὦ πρυτάνεις, δέχεσἣξ τὴν θεωρίαν. 

θέασ᾽ ὡς προϑύμως 6 πρύτανις παρεδέξατο, 
The chorus are opposed to the offering of an ox (926), lest it 
should be necessary that they render assistance. Tyrgzeus, 
then, was making his sacrifice in the orchestra. This fact is 
further made clear by his suggestion (962): zat τοῖς θεαταῖς ῥῖπτε 
τῶν χριϑῶν, It would not have been easy to throw barley to the 
spectators from a position so far away from them as was the 
stage. 

At the close of the play, actors and chorus leave the theatre 
together. Tyrgzeus (1316ff.) orders the bride to be brought 
forth that all may join in the rejoicing, and dance in her honor. 
She comes forth at v. 1329. The chorus wish to escort the 
bridegroom also (1339ff.); and thechorus speak the final words 
of the play (13544f.): 

ὦ χαίρετε yaipet , ἂν- 
Opes, χὰν ξυνέπησθέ μοι 


πλαχωυῦντας ἔδεσθε. 
Birds 


The scenery represented in this play is a hillside and a cav- 
ern (cf. 54, 92, 202, 207). The pathover which 


Euelpides enters is one with rocks without a Birds 
beaten track (20ff.). This scenery was unsuited 
to a stage. 


Euelpides and Pisthetairus, at the opening of the play, are 
entering engaged in conversation. They donot reach the house 
of the Epops till v. 54. It is evident that they could not have 
occupied the time of speaking fifty-three verses in walking half 
way across the stage. 

When the chorus see the two strangers present, they medi- 
tate attacking them. Cf. 344: 


v > vv > 3 7 
ἔπαγ᾽, ἔπιϑ᾽͵, ἐπίφερε πολέμιον ὅρμάν͵ 


1 Capps, p. 75f. 


128 THE ATTIC STAGE OF THE FIFTH CENTURY 


They express in strong words their intention of attacking them. 
Cf. 8641: 
ἐλελελεῦ χώρει, χάϑες τὸ ῥύγχος" οὐ μέλλειν ἐχρῆν. 

ἕλχε, τίλλε, παῖς, δεῖρε, χύπτε πρώτην τὴν χύτραν. 
In the ieee the sieaavens deliberate on their condition. 
Euelpides asks where he can flee, that he may not be torn to 
pieces (354), and his comrade advises that they remain and 
fight (357). Finally, the chorus withdraw (400). It is evi- 
dent that, in this scene, chorus and actors were together. 

When the messenger enters (1122), he asks where Pisthe- 
tairus is. The latter is present and replies, οὑτοσί (1123). If 
the two actors had been on the stage, the question of the mes- 
senger would have been unnatural. 

When Pisthetairus and Basileia are seen by the chorus to 
be approaching, the latter move aside to make way for them. 
Cf. 1720ff. ἄναγε, δίεχε, πάραγε, πάρεχε, 

περιπέτεσὴε 
μάχαρα parapet σὸν τύχᾳ. 

At the conclusion of the play, the chorus following the act- 

ors leave the theatre. Cf. 1755ff.: 
Exeotte νῦν γάμοισιν, ὦ 
φῦλα πάντα συννόμων 
πτερυφόρ᾽, x. τ. A, 
Lysistrata 
The chorus of men enter at v. 254 carrying billets of wood, 
and pans of charcoal. They express their inten- 
Ligathtraln tion (310ff.) of setting fire to the house, if the wo- 
men do not allow them to enter. It cannot be 
doubted that, with their preparations to burn the house, they 
move forward toward it. The chorus of women come from the 
citadel to defenditatv. 319. They perform now the part of act- 
ors; their place therefore, was on the stage, if there was a 
stage. It is evident, however, that in their encounter with the 
chorus of men they were very near to those men. Tie chorus 
of men threaten to break their cudgels in beating the women 
(357) ; the women threaten to beat the men (364); the men will 
burn the hair of the women (381). The womendrench themen 
with water (cf. 381ff.). The women, therefore, at this time, 


THE STAGE 129 


were in the orchestra, and that they went directly to this place, 
on their entrance from the citadel, is clear from the fact that 
two verses after their entrance, orchestral movements began; 
but there would not have been time, while they were speaking 
two verses, for them to descend a flight of steps, and arrange 
themselves in the orchestra.1 
Lysistrata (1182ff.) invites the two choruses into the cita- 

del. They return at v. 1239, and, with them, come the third 
chorus, that of the Spartans, and the fourth chorus, that of the 
Athenians. Lysistrata invites the Spartan and Athenian cho- 
ruses to lead the way. Cf. 1273ff.: 

ἄγε νυν, ἐπειδὴ τἄλλα πεποίηται χαλῶς, 

ἀπάγεσϑε ταύτας, ὦ Λάχωνες, τασδεδὶ 

VPLS’ 
These two choruses reply that they will doso (1279ff., 1296ff.), 
and choruses and actors leave the theatre together. 


Thesmophoriazuse 

In the first part of the play is represented an assembly scene. 
Mnesilochus, soon after entering, sacrifices a 
cake to the goddesses Demeter and Persephone Thesmophoriazuse 
(284f.), and offers prayers to them (286ff.); he 
looks for a good seat, that he may hear the orators (292f.). 
The herald calls the assembly to order: εὐφημία 'στω, εὐφημία 'στω 
(295). The chorus offer prayer (312ff.). The herald reads the 
preliminary decree (372ff.). At v. 379 he asks who wishes to 
speak. A woman of the chorus speaks first (383ff.); she is fol- 
lowed by a second woman (443ff.), and by Mnesilochus (4.66ff.). 
It is not probable that, in this scene, different parts of the as- 
sembly were on different levels. 

There are two search scenes in the play, in the course of 
which the chorus pass over every foot of space where an actor 
would be likely to be. In the first of these scenes, Clisthenes on 
entering tells the chorus (574 ff.) that a man disguised as a wo- 
man is present. After some discussion, the chorus declare (597 
ff.) that they must search for him. After finding Mnesilochus, 
they decide (655ff.) that they must search to see whether an- 
other man is concealed among them. They now examine all 


1. Pickard, p..297. 


130 THE ATTIC STAGE OF THE FIFTH CENTURY 


places closely, cf. 660: χαὶ dcacxozety σιωπῇ πανταχῆ"; they run about 
in all directions, cf. 662: ἀλλὰ τὴν πρώτην τρέχειν χρή σ᾽ ὡς τάχιστ᾽ γδὴ 
χύχλῳ; they search all parts, cf. 663f.: 
eld νυν ἴχνευε, καὶ μάτευς ταχὺ πάντ᾽ 

" εἴ τις ἐν τόποις ἔδραῖος ἄλλος αὖ λέληϑεν ὦν; 
and, at last, failing to find anybody, they exclaim (687 i 

ἀλλ ἔοιχ᾽ ἡμῖν ἅπαντά πως διεσχέφϑαι χαλῶς:" 

οὐχ ὁρῶμεν γοῦν ἔτ᾽ ἄλλον οὐδέν᾽ ἐγχαϑήμενον. 

While the women of the chorus are occupied in searching, 
Mnesilochus (cf. 690f.) snatches a child from the arms of one of 
them. In their wrath at this offense, they threaten to bring 
wood and burn the offender to ashes (726f.); they heap up brush- 
wood beside him (739); and he urges them to set it δῆτε (74.9f.). 
When the child is found to be but a wine-skin filled with wine, 
the woman from whom it had been taken calls for a bowl, that 
she may catch the wine (754f.), but Mnesilochus himself drinks 
the wine (cf. 756). 

| Frogs 
In a passage in this play an actor goes among the specta- 
tors. When Dionysus becomes frightened by the 
Frogs monster that he sees in the lower world (ef. 
286ff.) he deliberates flight, and runs to the P< 
of Dionysus, with appeals for protection. Cf. 296f.: 
410. ποῖ δῆτ᾽ ἂν τραποίμην; EAN. ποῖ δ᾽ ἐγώ; 
410. ἱερεῦὺ, διαφύλαξόν μ᾽, ἵν᾿ ὦ oor ξυμπότης, 
Xanthias recalls him (301), δεῦρο δεῦρ᾽, ὦ δέσποτα. 

At the close of the play, the chorus escort ΖΕ βου 5 ie: 

the lower world. Cf. 1524-4f.: 

gatvete τοίνυν ὑμεῖς τούτῳ 

λαμπάδας ἱεράς, yapa προπέμπετε 

τοῖσιν τούτου τοῦτον μέλεσιν 

χαὶ portato χελαδοῦντες, 
The chorus sing a brief ode, and then actors and chorus make 
their exit from the theatre together. 


THE STAGE 131 


Ecclesiazusz 


During the first two hundred and eighty-four verses of the 
play, the women of the chorus are not to be dis- 
tinguished fromactors. Some, at least, of them Heiouinviiee 
come from a door in the rear (cf. 33ff.). At the ᾿ 
close of the mimic assembly, these women, with their attendants, 
form themselvesinto a chorus, and leave the theatre singing an 
ode (285ff.) .1 

The assembly is madeto resemble aregularassembly. There 
are present seats (57, 103), and a βῆμα for the speakers (104) ; 
the purification is performed (128ff.); chaplets are put on (122, 
131); Praxagora asks who wishes to speak (130). 

The chorus return to the theatre at v. 478. Praxagora en- 
ters at v. 504, and, during the course of an address to the cho- 
rus, bids them throw off their cloaks, p:zreize χλαίνας (507). These 
_ cloaks she orders a servant to put in order: za) μέντοι σὺ μὲν | ταύ- 
tas χατευτρέπιζ᾽ (5609). We may infer then that Praxagora and 
the servant entered the orchestra. 

At vs. 1149f. the maid-servant says: 

ἐγὼ δὲ πρὸς τὸ δεῖπνον 740% ᾿πείξυμαι, 
ἔχω δέ τοι χαὶ δᾷδα ταυτηνὶ χαλῶς. 
The chorus reply (1151f., 1163ff.): 
τί δῆτα διατρίδεις ἔχων, GAR οὐχ ἄγεις 
τασδὶ λαθών; 
ὦ ὦ ὥρα δή, 
ὦ φίλα: γυναῖχες, εἴπερ μέλλομεν τὸ χρῆμα δρᾶν, 


2=) τὸ δεῖς ΓΝ ΣῈ Λογτιχῷ ἦν τὼ πόδε 
ETL τὸ ὑεῖπνον UTAVAZLYELY, ιρητίχὼς οὖν τῷ TOOS 


χαὶ σὺ χίνει. 
The reply of the Despotes is, τοῦτο δρῶ (1166), and, with these 
words, he leads out the procession that ends the play. 


7 Plutus 
At v. 253 Cario enters with the chorus of country-people, 
bound for the house of his master, Chremylus. 
He urges the choreute to hasten, σπεύδεσν᾽ (255), Plutus 
yet they do not reach the house of Chremylus 
till v. 315. That Cario is, in fact, leading in thechorus is made 


UC Capp; p,-29: 


132 THE ATTIC STAGE OF THE FIFTH CENTURY 


clear by his command to them, ἕπεσϑ᾽ (295), and ἕπεσϑε (808). 
The long walk over the parodos to the orchestra (253-315), 
during which Cario and the choreute are conversing, is easily 
pictured to the mind. 
Theclosing scene is one with which weare familiar; all leave 
the theatre in procession together. Cf. 1208f.:: 
οὐχ ἔτι totvoy εἰχὸς μέλλειν οὐδ᾽ ἡμᾶς, GAR ἀναχωρεῖν 


5 » « ε, - ‘ ΄ ΄ » wd 
εἰς τοὐπισϑεν" δεῖ yap χατόπιν τούτων adovtag ἕπεσϑαι, 


$6 ΕὙΙΡΕΝΟΕ AGAINST A STAGE FROM CERTAIN Facts Con- 
NECTED WITH THE ENTRANCE OF ACTORS AND OF CHORUSES 


A consideration of certain facts connected with theentrance 
of actors, and, in a few instances, of choruses, 
il ‘ ; . 

tans ee a will establish the fact that all actors when not 
either by a parodos entering from the palace in the background en- 
eee Aes from tered by the parodos, and will confirm the fact 
already proved, that the palace was in the rear 

of the orchestra, and on a level with it. 

There will be considered (I) the instances where choruses 
Paar canes announce in-coming actors ; (I) the instances 
of the entrance where actors announce in-coming actors; (1Π)} 
considered : ὃ - 

the instances where actors announce in-coming 
choruses; but (IV) the instances where actors come from the 
palace in the background will be considered last. 


I. Instances where Choruses Announce In-Coming Actors 
Following are the instances in which choruses announce 
4) fanaa ee approaching actors:! Perse, 150, 5; 246, 3. 
choruses announce’. Septem, 369, 6. -Agam., 493, 10. Ajax, Τθ 
thik ai 5. Antig., 155, 7; 376, 3; 526, 5; 626, 5; 1257 
4... Electra (Soph.), 1428, 14. Céd. Tyr., 297, 


1 The first numeral after the name of the play designates the number of the verse 
at which the chorus state that they see the actor coming; the second numeral desig- 
nates the number of verses that elapse after he is seen, before he begins speaking. Ac- 
count is taken here of only thoseinstances in which the choruses say that they see actors 
approaching, or in some other way indicate that they actually see them. A case, there- 
fore, like that in the Prometheus where the hero hears lo coming (555), but probably 
does not see her is not here included. There is omitted, also, the instance where the 
chorus is AZsch. Septem (861) see Antigone and Ismene coming. One hundred verses 
elapse after the chorus see them, hefore they arrive, which is an abnormally large num- 
ber. Similarly in the other classes there are included only instances where the actors 
or choruses are spoken of as if actually seen. 


THE STAGE 133 


3; 1416, 6. (Βα. Col., 549, 2. Philoc., 539,3. Trachin., 178, 
2; 222, 7; 868, 3; 964,18. Alcestis, 233, 11; 611, 3; 1006, 2. 
Medea, 269, 2. Hipp., 899, 3; 1151, 2; 1342, 5. Androm., 
545, 2; 879, 2. Heracl., 118, 2. Supp. (Eurip.), 980, 10; 1031. 
3. Hecuba, 216, 2; 724, 2. Herc. Fur., 138, 2; 442,8. Troades, 
230, 5; 568, 4; 1118, 5. Iph. in Taur., 236, 2; 456, 17. Elec- 
tra (Eurip.), 339, 2. Orestes, 348, 8; 456, 14; 850, 2; 1018, 6; 
1504, 2; 1549, 5. Phoenisse, 443, 3; 1307, 2. Iph. in Aul., 
' 591, 7; 1619, 2. Bacch.,1165,3. Rhesus, 85, 2; 806, 2. Achar., 
1009, 2: Thesmo:,.571, 8. 

It is found in the above instances that the number of verses 
that elapse between the time of announcement Ξ Ξ 
and that of arrival varies from two to eighteen, sat icata ables 
the average number of verses being five (very GRRE Bete 
nearly). : is approaching 

The question necessarily arises, how long a time an actor 
would have consumed in passing from a door in Bea ΦΑΣΙ eer 
the side-wing to the center of the stage, which for waiking half 
may be considered the position that he would sari ects 
have taken, provided his position was on the 
stage. The width of the stage in the theatre at Athens was 
about twenty m., and it may beconsidered that for an actor to 
pass over one half of this distance would have taken the time 
of speaking not more than two verses.1 

It may be observed, in the first place, that thereis every rea- 
son to believe that thechorus actually saw those 
that they described as approaching. The verbs 
here used are the ordinary verbs of seeing, such 
as ὅὁράω, λεύσσω, δέδορχα, and εἰσυράω; στείχω Occasionally is used. 

If, in these instances, the choruses saw the actors just as 
they were about to enter on the stage, from a 

° * ὃ Actors probably 
door in the side-wing, the actor frequently was not just about to 
in his position at the center of the stage, and ‘tt seein eens 
ready for speaking, several verses before the in the side wing 


chorus finished their announcement of his ap- Wines Beth eer 
by the choruses 


Actors 
actually seen 


1 If the time of two verses seems not sufficient, as many as four can be allowed. 
The arguments based upon the former number hold equally good if based upon the lat- 
ter. Certainly nobody would increase the number beyond four. It is an easy matter 
for one to make a practical test of the time required to walk this distance. 


134 THE ATTIC STAGE OF THE FIFTH CENTURY 


proach. Thus, in the Agamemnon (493) the chorus saw the 
herald coming ten verses before he began speaking. If, when 
first announced, he was just setting foot on the stage, hestood 
still in his position at the center of the stage for eight verses, 
while the chorus were describing his appearance, and wonder- 
ing whether he brought joyor sorrow. That such was thecase 
seems improbable. 
It sometimes happens that between the time of announce- 
ment, and that of arrival, a conversation takes 
cae a atest place that evidently was not carried on in the 
in the presence presence of the in-coming actor, as e. g. in Soph- 
of the in-coming ocles’ Eleetra, where the following conversation 
occurs (1428): 
XO, xabcacts λεύσσω yap Αἴγισθον ἐκ προδήλου, 
ΠΛ. ὦ παῖδες, οὐχ ἄφορρον; OP, εἰσορᾶτέ ποὺ 
τὸν ἄνδρ, ΠΛ. ἐφ᾽ ἡμῖν οὗτος ἐχ προαστίου 
χωρεῖ γεγηῶς 
NO, fate χατ᾽ ἀντιϑύρων ὅσων τάχιστα, 
νῦν, τὰ πρὶν εὖ θέμενοι, τάδ᾽ ὡς πάλιν. 
OP, θάρσει" τελοῦμεν. HA, ἢ νοεῖς ἔπειγ 
A 


OP, χαὶ δὴ βέδληχα. HA, τανϑάδ᾽ ἂν μέλοι 


τὴ 


ἐμοί, 
XO, δι ὠτὸς ἂν παῦρά γ᾽ ὡς ἠπίως ἐννέπειν 
πρὸς ἄνδρα τόνδε συμφέροι, λαϑραῖον ὡς 
ὁρουύση, πρὸς δίχας ἀγῶνα. 
ΠΑΆΙΓΙΣΘΟΣ 
τίς οἷδεν ὑμῶν ποῦ xz, τ. A. 

It is clear that it was not intended that A2gistheus hear a. 
word of this conversation, and that, with their final words, the 
chorus gather around Electra, lest A2gistheus, who was at that 
time near at hand, might hear. Assuming, however, that A¢gis- 
theus was seen by the chorus just entering on the stage, we 
shall have to believe that he heard all of the conversation. 

It is evident, then, that the chorus do not see the actor as 
he is just about to enter on the stage from a door in the side- 
wing. 3 


THE STAGE 135 


The only place left for the actor when first seen is without 
the stage-buildings. By referring to the planon ptt Sa Mes 
page 91, it is seen that the chorus could have frst seen was with- 
commanded a view of the parodos as far as the out the stage- 

: 5 buildings 
eye could reach, by standing at or near the posi- 
tion indicated bythe letter W. If theactor had approached the 
stage from without the stage-buildings, intending to reach the 
stage througha paraskenion, hecould not have been seen by the 
chorus, after he had approached nearer to the stage-buildings 
thanis the positionindicated by the letter P. The time required 
for passing from the side to thecenter of the stage is assumed to 
be thatof reciting two verses. Thetime, then, required for pass- 
ing from P to the center of the stage would be a littlemore than 
that of reciting six verses. It follows, therefore, that, when the 
chorus said that they saw an actor three, four, five, or six verses 
before he began speaking, he was at some point between P and 
the door leading onto the stage, providing he was to reach the 
stage through the paraskenion, and, if this was the case, we 
are compelled to believe that at times the chorus said that they 
saw those that in reality they did not see. That such was the 
fact seems improbable. 

The actor, then, when first seen by the chorus was not just 
about to set foot on the stage, and he was not 
approaching the stage from without the stage- τον actor whe 
buildings. He was, therefore, when first seen by the parodos 
the chorus, in the parodos, and drawingnigh to τ SpProdehing 
theorchestra. Ashe approached in this manner 
the chorus had no difficulty in seing him, whether he was far 
away, or near at hand. 


Understanding, now, that the actor entered by the parodos, 
we see why at times the chorus saw him more 
quickly than did an actor already present, as This view explains 
6. g., in the Ajax, where the chorus aunounced pn! ee 
(1042f.) that they saw a foeman coming, and _ times seen by the 
Teucer asked who it was (1044): the chorus re- SPOTUS: DEE not Dy 
plied (1045) that it was Menelaus, and Teucer present 
then (104.6) saw him, the reason for this being 


that, while the view dovn the parodos of the chorus was un- 


136 THE ATTIC STAGE OF THE FIFTH CENTURY 


obstructed, that of Teucer was for the moment obstructed by 
the chorus. 

We see also why newly-arrived actors often direct their first 
ad aks words to the chorus, though other actors are 
the chorus present, and why at times actors on entering are 
is first addressed unable to see other actors who are present (cf. 
Birds 1122f., and Orestes 356ff., 470ff.) 


II. Instances where Actors Announce In-Coming Actors 


Prom., 941, 8. Ajax, 1223, 8, Gad) Tyr., 78, 9; ΤΥ ΤΌΣ 
Cd. Col.,.28, 5; 311, 13; 722, 6;-1249. 5." ieee 
horcactecan. chin., 58, 3;594, 4. Alcestis, 24,4. Medea, 46, 
hae ee in-coming 8. 1118, 3." Hipp., 51,7. 2ierach, se ΠΝ 
(Eurip.), 395, 4. Hecuba, 52, 7. Her. Ἐπεὶ 513, 
10; 1153,10. Ion, 392,9. Troades, 706, 3. Electra (Eurip.), 
107, 5; 964, 24. Orestes, 725, 4; 1313, 8. Phoenis., 695, 2; 
1332, 3. ΤΡ. in A., 1337, 7. Bacche, 212, 3; 657, 3. Cyclops, 
85,.11. ‘Acharn., 40, 3; 61; 3;'175, 1;.908, 2; 1083, ΤΙ ΣΝ 
4. words. Knights, 234, 1; 691, 3. Wasps, 1324, 2; 1415, 2; 
1504, 4, Birds, 1121, 1. 1168; 2. Lysist.; (65,26) 727.006 
Plutus, 332, 3. 

The instances in this class bear a general resemblance to 
This class resem. tose in the preceding class. The number of 
bles the preceding verses that elapse between the time when the 
war actor is seen to be approaching, and the time 
when he arrives varies from one to twenty-five,! the average | 
number being five and one-half (nearly). 

It cannot be claimed that the actor when first seen was 
eet ST about to set foot on the stage. Occasionally a 
is waren conversation takes place that evidently was not 
eee ee carried onin his presence, as e. g. in the Hercules 
when first seen , δ Ὁ 

Furens, where, after Hercules is seen drawing . 
nigh (513), Megara calls the children to her side. 


1 Omitting Achar., 1189. 


THE STAGE 137 


It may be claimed that in this class the actor announced as 
approaching was waiting in the paraskenion, 
and so was actually seen; and it must be ad- Actors may have 
mitted that such may have been the case. It in ‘is eee 
cannot, however, be claimed that in the preced- 
ing class the chorus saw the actor in the paraskenion awaiting 
the proper moment for entering. 

If we believe that in this class the actors entered the orches- 
tra, weshall understand why at times they failed ΤΉ ΤΥ: 
to observe other actors already present, as 6. 2. serve other actors: 
in the Here. Fur., where Hercules speaks two they address 

δ ° Σ the chorus first 

verses before seeing his children, and then, as he 
spies them exclaims (525) ¢a° τί χρῆμα; τέχν᾽ 6pO πρὸ δωμάτων, and 
we shall understand why, at times, actors on entering address 
first the chorus, rather than other actors present. 

+ On the assumption that, in both this and the preceding 
classes, the actorsentered the orchestra, we shall 
understand why the choruses heralded the ap-  “forusss oftener 
proach oftener than did the actors. In the one nounce the ap- 
hundred and three instances in the two classes P°°*" Of coming 
the approach of actors is announced by choruses 
fifty-six times, by actors forty-seven times. It would appear, 
therefore, that the position of the chorus was where it had a 
clear view of the parodos, while the position of the actor was 
nearer to the wall of the proscenium, and where the view of the 
parodos, while not obstructed, was not quite so favorable as 
was that of the chorus. 


II. Instances where Actors Announce In-Coming Choruses 
(Ed. Col., 111, 6. Phoenisse, 196, 6. Cy- 


clops, 36, 5. Birds, 294,15. Knights, 242, 5. Br om es 
Clouds, 323, 5, | nounce in-coming 
In the instances that come under this class ct 

An added ele- 


there is an added element to beconsidered. When 
actors entered, it is reasonable to believe that, 
in general, they did not begin speaking, till they were at the 
center of action. Usually, the chorus began singing while still 
in the parodos, the march in being accompanied by thechanting 
of the entrance-song. At what place in the parodos this en- 


ment in this class 


138 THE ATTIC STAGE OF THE FIFTH CENTURY 


trance-song was begun, we have no information to tell us; yet 
we may not unreasonably conclude thatit was generally begun 
soon after the chorus entered the parodos, and thus came in 
sight of the spectators. 


In the Phoenissz, the Pedagogue at v. 196 says that he sees 
hg eRe the chorus approaching. Six verses later, the 
of the chorus chorus begin singing the parodos. If the Peda- 
in the Pheeniss® —_ gogue had been on the stage at v. 196, we can 
believe that by looking through open doors he could have seen 
the in-coming chorus when they were at or near the position in- 
dicated by the letter D. Assuming this to be the case, the cho- 
rus would have had just about sufficient time during the six re- 
maining verses of the Pedagogue’s announcement to reach a 
place within the parodos at which we may believe them to have 
begun the words atv. 202. Every case, however, will not be so 
satisfactory, on the assumption that the actor took his view 
from the stage. 

At v. 111 τὴ the Cédipus Coloneus, Antigone sees the cho- 
ἜΣ ΣΝ γος rus οἵ old mendrawing nigh. Τ, αὐ this time An- 
ofthechorus tigone was on thestage, and, by looking through 
in the Gd. Col. ‘doors in the paraskenion, saw the chorus ap- 
proaching, the chorus when first seen, it would appear, must 
have been near the position indicated by the letter D, for it 
would not seem probable that Antigone could have seen any 
part of the parodos that was much nearer the orchestra than 
that indicated by the letter D. The chorus enter six verses after 
being seen. Their first words are (117ff.): 

ὅρα. τίς ἄρ᾽ ἦν; ποῦ ναίει; 

ποῦ χυρεῖ ἐχτόπιος συϑεὶς ὁ πάντων 

6 πάντων ἀχορέστατος: 
It is clear that these words were not spoken, as the chorus 
drew nigh over the parodos, as was the case in the example 
quoted above from the Phcenisse, but when they were near to 
the place from which CEdipus had just been led. The chorus, 
then, when they began speaking were at or near the position 
indicated by EH. From Dto E is about seventy-fivem. That 
the chorus could have passed over so great a distance while An- 
tigone was speaking six verses seems improbable. They would 


THE STAGE 139 


naturally, while the six verses were being spoken, pass over a 
distance equal to about that from V to Εἰ; and we may believe 
that, when Antigone announced the approach of the chorus, 
they were at or near V, but it seemsimprobable that by looking 
through doors in the paraskenion she could have seen the cho- 
rus when they were at V, and the assumption in hand compels 
us to believe that Antigone announced as approaching achorus 
that she did not see. This conclusion is unsatisfactory. 


It may be claimed that Antigone looked directly into the 
parodos from the stage, and thus saw the cho- 
rus approaching. In order to see as far as V, it np aaah ore sti 
would have been necessary that she advance to directly into 
the front of the stage, and lean far over, and, Ια 
even then, it may be doubted whether she could 
have seen as far down the parodos as V. 


The only position, therefore, that we can assign to an actor 
#-who announces the entrance of a chorus, in thes 

which we can be sure that he sees the chorus the Picaon 

approach of which he announces, is the orches- probably 


eee in the orchestra 

IV. Instances where the Approach of Actors (and in One In- 
stance of a Chorus) from the Palace in the Background is 
Announced. 


Choeeph., 10, 12; 731, 3. Antig., 1180, 3. Electra(Soph.), 
324, 4; 13824, 2. (δα, Tyr.,.531, 1; 631, 3: . Al- 


(IV) Instances 


cestis, 136, 5; 509,1: Medea, 1121, 3. Hipp., ταχῆΐενς ἀδξύνα 
170, 6; 1156,1. Androm., 822,3. Ion, 78, 4. pate ae 
e palace 


Troades, 306, 1. Helena, 858, 6. Iph. in Tau., 
724, 1. Electra (Eurip.), 549, 4: Orestes, 1367, 2. Peace, 
. 1265, 3. Lysist., 5, 1; 1106, 6.. Thesmophor., 36, 3; 95, 6. 

If the actor that came from the palace entered on a stage, 

he was in his position, and ready to take his 

part, almostas soon as hewas seen. If this was Apis 

the case, an announcement of his approach cov- _ was in his posi- 

ering several verses was manifestly out of place, — uc 

for, as in previous cases, it would have com- 

pelled him to stand in his position most of this time, waiting 


140 THE ATTIC STAGE OF THE FIFTH CENTURY 


for the announcement of his approach to be finished, that he 
might speak. 
When an actor is announced as coming from 


The actor A ᾿Ξ 
πε cake the palace, we must believe that he is actually 
Wet ΔΕΡΟΘΉΥ seen coming forth; in theseannouncements épdo, 


seen approaching πατεῖν τ oS 3 
βαίνω, ἔρχομαι, and similar words are used. 


An allowance may be made for the time con- 
Time needed for > i 
himtoreachhis Stmed in passing through the door-way, and 
ον ον Sees closing the door, but it will not be contended 
was on e stage . 

* that the time of more than one verse was re- 

quired for this, and for the actor to reach his proper position, 
granting that he entered on the stage. 


If the actor entered the orchestra from the palace, and had, 
A longer time con. thts, aconsiderable distance to pass over, before 
sumed, if he entered he was in his proper position, a larger number 
into the orchestra of verses would naturally be spoken between the 
time when he was first seen and that when he was in his 
position, and ready to take his part, than would be spoken if 
he entered on the stage. In the instances cited above, it is seen 
that the number of verses thus spoken varies from one to six!, 
the average number of verses being three and one-half; and this 
nnmber of verses must represent the time consumed by the act- 
or in walking from the palace door to a position well within 
the orchestra. 


In six instances, actors are present at the close of a single 
Phi NAN Bia. after they are seen. In four of them we 
actors are present May believe either that their approach was not 
viernes observed till they werenear at hand, or that the 

needs of the plays did not require that their com- 
ing be sooner announced; yet in the Troades, where Hecuba 
says that her daughter is rushing forth in a frenzied condition, 
μαινὰς θυάξει δεῦρο βασάνδρα δρόμῳ (307), we may infer that she 
passed over the ground more quickly than would ordinarily be 
the case. Likewise, it is reasonable to believe that CEdipus, as 
hecamefrom the palace (C2d. Tyr. 531), hastened his pace, and 


1 Omitting the instance in the Choephori where the chorus are seen to be coming, 
and where naturally a longer time would be consumed in passing from palace to 
orchestra than would be consumed by an actor in passing over the same ground. 


THE STAGE 141 
even spoke before reaching his proper position in the orchestra, 
as he beheld before him his enemy Creon. 

In the four instances where the announcements consist of 
Six verses, it is difficult to find a reason why the : 
actor came so slowly, beyond the fact that a ἫΝ ἐρερμάθοτ 
the poet so desired. There is, however, in _ long time 
one of them, the Helena, strong evidence that oe 
the actor came into the orchestra. Here Helen sees Theonce 
coming ; she is in doubt what she shall do; she meditates flight; 
she speaks of her despair (858/f.).. The view that would claim 
that Theonce here entered on a stage would claim also that 
Helen was, at this time, on the stage; yet her words uttered 
alter seeing Theonce were evidently not uttered in his presence; 
they were spoken as she stood in the orchestra, and saw him 
drawing nigh to her. 

In the presentation of the dramas of Shakespeare, the per- 
formers are all on the stage, the actors enter 

‘ ὰ In the plays 
through a doorway either in the rear of, or at of Bhitkea eure 
the end of, the stage. As they are, then, on the 2ctors present soon 

= z after being seen 
stage, and ready for action almost as soon .as 
they are seen, we are not surprised to find that but few words 
are used to announce? their presence. 

Acomparison of a few instances taken from the Greek dram- 
atists,in which the actors came from the palace, 
with similar instances taken from tne English se Wines eouss 
dramatist will show how much longera distance with the Greek 


: : dramatists shows 
the Greek actor had to walk over in passing 414; i, the former 


from palace door to the position where he took  theactor hada 
his part, than the English actor has in passing 
over a similar distance. 

In Titus Andronicus, Act V., SCENE 1, the following occurs: 


Lucius: But who comes here led by a lusty 
> Titus Andronicus: 
Goth: Alcestis 


shorter distance 
to pass over 


Goth: Renowned Lucius, from our troops I 
strayed, etc. 


142 THE ATTIC STAGE OF THE FIFTH CENTURY 


The question of Lucius is asked as he sees the Goth approach- 
ing, and the Goth begins speaking with the next verse. With 
this may be compared the following passage from Alcestis, 
(136ff.): AQ. ἀλλ ἥδ᾽ ὀπαδῶν ἐχ δόμων τις ἔρχεται 
δαχρυρρουῦσα" τίνα τύχην ἀχυύσομαι; 


»” 


πενϑεῖν μέν, εἴ τι δεσπόταισι τυγχάνει, 
συγγνωστόν" εἰ δ᾽ ἔτ᾽ ἐστὶν ἔμψυχος γυνὴ 
εἴτ᾽ οὖν ὄλωλεν εἰδέναι βυυλοίμεν ay, 

OF. χαὶ ζῶσαν εἰπεῖν χαὶ θανυῖΐσαν ἔστί σοι. 
The chorus here speak five verses before the attendant is near 
enough to speak. With the passage from An- 
dronicus may be compared also the following 
from Hippolytus (170ff.): 


AO, ἀλλ 702 τρυφὺς γεραιὰ πρὸ θυρῶν 


Titus Andronicus: 
Hippolytus 


τηνὃξ χομίζουσ᾽ ἔξω μελάδρων" 

στυγνὸν δ᾽ ὀφρύων νέφος αὐξάνεται. 

τί ποτ᾽ ἔστι μαϑεῖν ἔραται φυχή, 

τί δεδήληται 

δέμας ἀλλόχρουν βασιλείας. 

ΤΡ. ὦ καχὰ θνητῶν χ. τ. 2. 

In Antony and Cleopatra, Act III, SCENE 7, occurs the fol- 
lowing: 
Enobarbus: Here comes the Emperor. 
Antony: Is it not strange, etc. 
With this compare the following (Helena, 857ff.): 


EA, οἵ ᾽γὼ τάλαινα" τῆς τύχης yap ὧδ᾽ ἔχω" 


Antony and Cleo- 
patra: Helena 


Mevéhas, διαπεπράγμελ᾽" ἐχδαίνει δόμων 

ἡ θεσπιῳδὸς Θευνόη" χτυπεῖ δόμος 

χληήρων λυνέντων, φεῖγ᾽ ἀτὰρ τί φευχτέον; 

ἀποῖσα YOP GF καὶ παροῦσ᾽ ἀφιγμένων 

δεῦρ᾽ οἷδεν᾽ ὦ δύστηνος, ὡς ἀπωλόμην. 

Τροίας δὲ σωδεὶς χαπὸ βαρδάρωυ γϑονὸς 

εἰς βάρξαρ᾽ eid» φάσγαν αὖϑις ἐμπεσεῖ. 

GEON, ἡγοῦ σύ μοι φέρουσα x, τ. ἡ. 

In the former instance, four words are spoken after the actor 
is seen before he begins speaking; in the latter instance, six 
verses are spoken. 


THE STAGE 143 


The following examples illustrate, still further, the fact that 
the English actor has to walk but a short dis- 


tance. before he is in his position: gitar aa 


amples from 
Antony and Cleopatra, Act I., SCENE 3: Shakespeare 
Charmian. But here comes Antony. 
ae [ENTER Antony’. 
Cleopatra. I am sick and sullen. 
Antony. lam sorry, etc. 


Act IV., SCENE 14. 
Antony. Come, Eros, Eros. 

[Enver Eros. ] 
Eros. What would my lord, etc. 


Act IV., SCENE 14. 
Antony. The guard, ho! O dispatch me! 
[ENTER Guard. | 
First Guard. What’s the noise? 


Hamlet, Act J., SCENE 1. 
Francisco. I think I hear them. Stand, ho! Who’s there? 
[ENTER Horatio. ] 
Horatio. Friends to this ground. 


Act IIT., SCENE 4. 
Queen. Withdraw. I hear him coming. 
[ENTER Hamlet. | 
Hamlet. Now, mother, what’s the matter ? 


Act V., SCENE 2. 
Horatio. Peace! Who comes here? 
' [ENTER Osriz. ] 
Osric. Your Lordship is etc. 


Titus Andronicus, Act I/I., SCENE 1. 
Titus Andronicus. But who comes with our brother Mar- 


cus here? 
[ENTER Marcus. ] 


Marcus. Titus, prepare thy aged eyes to weep. 


Macbeth, Act I., SCENE 8. 
_ Banquo. Who’s here? 


[ENTER Ross.] 


‘Ross. The king hath happily received etc. 


144. THE ATTIC STAGE OF THE FIFTH CENTURY 


Act V., SCENE 3. 
_ Macbeth. Sayton! 


[ENTER Sarton. | 
Sayton. What is your gracious pleasure? 
It will be observed that in the instances cited from Shakes- 
peare, in but a single instance does more than 
The inference to be One verse elapse between the time when an act- 
drawn from the i ‘ ᾿ . 
comnatinos or is seen and the time when he begins speaking. 
In the last instance cited, the actor’s name is 
mentioned, and the next words are spoken by him. The con- 
clusion is justifiable that the larger number of intervening verses 
in the Greek drama is due to the fact that the Greek actor had 
a longer distance to walk before reaching the position where he 
took his part. : 

Thetests that have been applied in ascertaining the place to 
which actors came whose approach was an- 
nounced yield no evidence concerning the place 
to which actors came whose approach was not 
announced; yet if it be admitted that the former class entered 
the orchestra, it will necessarily follow that the latterclass also 
entered the orchestra. 

We can believe that the entrance of actors over the parodos 

was always a pleasing feature of the presenta- 
‘The entrance tion. The actors were, thus, in full view of the 
of actors 
a pleasing feature Spectators from the moment when they stepped 

within the parodos, and we can imagine with 
what eagerness the eyes of the spectators followed the ap- 
proaching actor, as the spectators wondered what effect on the 
action the new arrival was to produce; and we can count as 
among the beautiful scenes in the classic drama the entrance of 
actors in chariots, as they slowly approached the orchestra by 
the parodos.! 


Actors that en- 
tered un-announced 


1 See the description in Harrison and Verrall’s ‘Mythology and Monuments of 
Ancient Greece’, p. 292sq. of the arrival of Agamemnon, as he drew nigh in his chariot 
over the parodos. 


THE. STAGE 145 


$7. SUMMARY OF CHAPTER III. 


The conclusions that have been reached in the present chap- 
ter may be briefly summarized : 

(1) Certain passages from the plays of the 
dramatists cited as evidence of a stage, when 
correctly interpreted, contain no such evidence (p. 70sq.). 

(2) The chorus did notstand onaraised platform (p. 81sq.). 

(3) It is probable that no steps led from orchestra to stage 
(p. 88 sq.). 

(4) The evidence of archeological investigations is that the 
actors stood in the orchestra (p. 90sq.). 

(5) The evidence of the extant plays is that the actors stood 
in the orchestra (p. 94sq.). 

(6) The actors when not coming from the palace in the 
background entered the orchestra by the parcdos; the actors 
that came from the palace entered directly into the orchestra 
(p. 132sq.). 7 

The evidence? against a stage that the extant plays afford 
may rest chiefly on the following situations: 


Summary of the 
present chapter 


The chief situations 


x Scenes in which there is actual personal en- discrsped ΤΟΝ 
counter between chorus and actors, or possibili- Or the aban 
chapter 


ty of such encounter. Cf. Sup. (4s.), 836, 852, 
888, 940f. Perse, 529. Agam.,1651f. Choeph., 983f. Ajax, 
361. CEd. Tyr., 1340f., 1410ff., 1429.% Ged. Col., 176f., 491, 
834ff. Philoc., 1003, 1174-1205. Hipp., 777. Heracl., 69f., 
274, 307f. Sup. (Eurip.), 1160. Here. Fur., 261f., 527ff. Hel- 
ena, 1628ff. Iph.in Tau., 468, 1068ff. Orestes, 474. Bacche, 
1184. Rhesus, 675ff., 730, 877. Cyclops, 210f., 471ff., S9O0ff. 
Achar., 280ff.,564f. Knights, 251f., 451ff., 491ff., 922. Wasps, 
383, 437ff.° Birds; 344, 364f. Thesmophor., 690f., 726ff. 

Chorus enter the palace» Cf. Medea, 820, 866. Cyclops, 
S2ff. Lysist., 11 82:0. 

Chorus approach the palace, but do not enter. Cf. Ajax, 
3544f. Hipp., 804. Herc. Fur., 747ff., 1031ff. Rhesus, 1ff. 

~ Chorus deliberate whether they will enter the palace, or are 

invited to do so. Cf. Agam., 1350. Ajax, 329, 986. Electra 
(Soph.), 1103f. Medea,1275ff. Hipp., S75ff., 782. Androm., 


- 


146 THE ATTIC STAGE CF THE FIFTH CENTURY 


817. Hecuba, 1042. Ion, 219ff. Helena,327ff. Iph. in Tau., 
470, 1079. | 

The position of the chorus 1s near the palace. Cf. Vhiloc., 
207. Alcestis, 86f., 100f. Medea, 1293. Ion, 510. Orestes, 
136ff., 173ff. Bacche, 587%. Lysistrata, 310ff. 

Chorus act as guard.. Cf. Ajax, 1182f. Philoc., 150ff. 
Iph. in Tau., 638. Orestes, 1251ff. Rhesus, 15, 524, 813. 

Chorus observe actors closely. Cf. Antigone, 526ff. Philoc., 


861. Trachin., 964ff.\ Herc. Fur., 130ff. Electra (Eurip.), 
184. 


| Chorus enter orchestra from palace. Cf. Eumen., 140ff. 
Troades, 176f.% Lysistrata, 319, 1239. Eccl., 33ff. 

Χ Search scenes, in which the chorus pass over the space us- 
ually occupied by the actors. Cf. Eumen., 244}, 255f. Ajax, 
8918 χ CEd. Col., 121f Thesmophor., 597ff., 655ff. 

Actors enter orchestra with chorus. Cf. Sup. (4§s.), 1. 
Choeph., 10ff. Hecuba, 59ff. Plutus, 253ff. 


Actors leave by a parodos. Cf. Iph. in Aul., 111ff. Bacche, 
97 Aff. 


Actors on entering do not see other actors present. Cf. An- 
drom., 881ff. Hecuba, 484ff. Iph. in Tau., 1152ff. Electra 
(Eurip.), 112ff. Orestes, 356ff., 470ff. Phoenisse, 301ff. Bac- 
che, 215ff. Birds, 11227. : 

K Actors enter in chariots. Cf. Perse, 159(?},907(?)< Agam., 
782. Electra (Eurip.), 988. Iph.in Aul., 607. 
, Actors have contact with spectators. Cf. Peace, 881ff. 
i.Frogs, 296ff. | 
Actors on entering address the chorus, though other actors 
are present, and would benaturally first addressed. Cf. Perse, 
681ff. Electra (Soph.), 660, 1098. (Ed. Tyr., 924. Cid. Col., 
728, 1500. Philoctetes addresses his first words to both cho- 
rus and actor: cf. Philoc.; 219ff. 
Luhation scenes in which both chorus and actors partici- 


pate. Cf. Perse, 623ff. Choeph., 149ff. Iph. in Tau.. 159ff., 
179ff. 


Assembly scenes which were, no doubt, made to resemble 
real assembly seenes. Cf. Achar., 20f., 42ff., 56,91, 156, 172. 


Thesmo., 284ff., 292ff., 312ff., 372ff., 383ff., 443} Eccle., 57, 
103, 122ff. 


TEE STAGE 147 

The numbers present were at timcs greater than could find 
roomonastage. Cf. Septem, 1ff., 30ff. Agam., 906ff. . Trial 
scene in the Eumenides. Trachin., 202f., 299f. Androm., 115, 
Dh 185, 161. Sup. (Eurip.), 10. A stage in some plays was un- 
suited to thescenerepresented: cf. Prom., 2, 31, 55f>« CEd. Col., 

10,17, 98. Philoc., 1, 16, 21, 28f., 1262. Cyclops, where the 

scene is a cave. “Birds, 54, 92, 202, 207. 
The distegia at times represents a large area. Cf. Agam., 
Aff. Orestes, 1573ff. Clouds, 1490ff. Wasps, 143ff. Peace, 
223ff. | 

At the close of many plays, actors and choruses leave the 
theatre together. Cf. Sup. (4&s.), 980ff. Perse, 1038ff. Sep- 
tem, 1068ff. Eumen., 1003ff. Ajax, 1413ff. Antig., 1339ff. 
Philoc., 1469. Sup. (Eurip.), 1232. Hecuba, 1288ff. Troades, 
296f., 1266ff., 1331f. Bacche, 1381ff. Rhesus, 986ff. Cyclops, 
441f., ΤΟΙ Achar., 1231ff. Clouds, 1510. Wasps, 1535ff. 
Peace, 1354ff. * Birds, 1755ff. Lysis., 1273ff. Frogs, 1524}. 
Eccl., 1149ff. Plutus, 1208f. 

In many plays there was a sympathy existing bet ween cho- 
rus and actors such as would lead us to believe that all were 
together. Cf. lon, 748, 857. Iph.in Tau.,63,143,1056. Bacche, 
582ff., 609ff. The chorus are instructed to warmly welcome 
Agamemnon: cf. Agam., 524; cf.also the conversation between 
the chorus and Cassandra, vs. 1053-1300,in thesame play. Cf. 
the sympathy of the chorus for Electra, as displayed in the con- 
versation vs. 121.327, of the Electra (Soph.), and, again, in the 
same play, where the chorrs try to comfort Electra, vs. 804- 
874. CEdipus trusts the chorus, in the Cid. Col., v. 175; he 
callsthem hisallies,v.815. Deianira, in the Trachiniz, tells the 
chorus her woes in private, vs. 531ff.: and the chorus in the 
Persze dread to speak in the presence of Darius, vs. 694. 

The chorus bow before the king in the Céd. Tyr. Cf. vs. 40f. 
and 327. They prostrate themselves,in the Phoenisse. Cf. 291 
ff. In the Here. Fur., when Hercules enters, he finds his chil- 
drenin theorchestra. Cf. 527ff. Diczeopolis,in the Acharnians, 
brings a block into the orchestra. Cf. 365ff. Polymnestor, in 
the Hecuba, goes into the orchestra from the tent. Cf. 1070f. 
_» In the Alcestis, occurs a funeral procession. Chorus and actor 


te 
ae 


148 THE ATTIC STAGE OF THE FIFTH CENTURY 


leave the theatre together, and return together later. Cf. 422 
ff., 606ff., 740, 861, 872. 


$8. THe MISTAKES OF VITRUVIUS 


Assuming, now, that the actors stood in the orchestra, to- 
Vitruvius states gether with the chorus, it remains to see how it 
that the actors was that Vitruvius came to be mistaken, for he 
stood onastage says distinctly! that the actors stood on the 
stage, and that the stage had the name joyeiov.2 Vitruvius is 
exact in all his statements; but we must remember that he lived 
in the first century B. C., and that the only theatre that he 
could have become acquainted with was the so-called Roman. 
theatre. From the facts that he saw concerning the stage in 
that theatre, he inferred other facts concerning a stage in the 
Greek theatre of the fifth century. 

The historical facts relating to the theatre, both Greek and 
Some historical  o&OmMan,areclear. When tragedy arose from the 
facts relating dithyrambic, chorus, and an actor was intro- 
ro caer duced, this actor stood on a table. By A®schy- 
lus a second actor wasintroduced, and a 7777, became necessary, 
that the actors might have a place in which to change their 
dresses. Before this time, the table had been used, in order to 
give elevation to the actor; now the cothurnus was invented, 
which served the purpose that before that time had been served 
by the table. The assumption that the cothurnus, and other 
means of artificial dress were used in order to give the actors the 
appearance of superior beings is not correct, for, if such had 
been the case, they would not have been used by all the actors 
alike. They were, in fact, used by nurses, and slaves, and her- 
alds, as well as by heroes. The only object, then, of cothurnus, 
onkos, flowing robes, and padded bedies was to give to the act- 
ors a prominence that would distinguish them from the cho- 
reute. 


" 


1 Vitruv., 7, 2; quoted above p. 70. 

2 For the views of Dr. Kaweran, which are adopted by Dr. Dorpfeld, and are here: 
set forth, cf. Miss Harrison, Class. Rev., May, 1890, p. 274sq. Cf. also Pickard, Am, 
Jour. Phil., April, 1893, p. ὀδῆ. 


8. Poll.,IV.,128: ἐλεὸς δ᾽ ἦν τράπεζα ἀρχαία ἐφ᾽ i» πρὸ Θέσπιδος εἷς τις 
ἀναδὰς τοῖς χορευταῖς ἀπεχρίνατο, 


THE STAGE 149 


During the fifth century, then, actors and chorus stood iu 
the orchestra. There was a σχηνή to which the. 
actors retired when they were to change their hace tare: 
dresses. The scenery used was variable. Itwas scenery and 
foreach play what the requirements of that play μεν ΟἿ 
demanded. The position of the σχηνή was, nat- ; 
urally, on the side of the orchestra the more remote from the 
spectators; .there, also, was the scenery, and there, also, stood’ 
the actors, directly in front of the σχηνή. 


In Roman times the chorus had disappeared; therefore the 
whole of the orchestra was not needed in the rhe dawarthe 
presentation of the plays. Vitruvius tells us ofthe orchestra 
that in the half of the orchestra thus not needed ==“ *™*™ Himes 
the senators sat. But, if they had sat on the level of the orches- 
tra, the senators in the rear rows could not have seen the act- 
ors over the heads of the senators in frontofthem. According- 
ly, it was necessary to either raise the half of the orchestra up- 
on which the actors stood, or to lower the half upon which the 
senators sat. The latter course was followed. The part of the 
orchestra that was lowered received the name of χυνίστρα; the 
part on which the actors stood was called, and rigitly, λόγεῖον, 
for it was the place on which the actors spoke. 

In support of this view is the fact that in many of the thea- 
tres that were altered in Roman times the low- 


est row of circular seats is on a level with the The above test 
i - δ ᾧ ὰ Σ τῷ as applied to 
λογεῖον. This is the case at Aizani, Telmesscs, certain theatres 


Patava, Aspendos, Pergamos, and Assos. If,in 
these theatres, the semi-circular χυνίστρα should be filled up to the 
level of the lowest row of seats, we should have the original or- 
chestra of the fifth century. 

The orchestra, then, of the fifth century was divided, in 
later times, into two parts, the λογεῖον, the χονέσ- ι : 

ς Υ ᾿ The. assumption 
tpa, In view of this fact we understand HOW 3b “eas tne orchestrs 
was that the word ὀρχήστρα came to be applied was divided makes 

clear various facts 
to either of these two parts. We understand, 
also, how it was that the θυμέλη, which belonged in the center 
of the old orchestra, when this latter: was divided, was placed 
in either the λυγεῖον or the χυνίστρα, It becomes clear, also, why 


150 THE ATTIC STAGE OF THE FIFTH CENTURY 


in the Roman theatre the audience entered not, as in the Greek 
theatre, by the parodoi; but by underground passages. The 
parodoi led tothe higher part of theold orchestra; accordingly, 
the audience could not enter by them; they were reserved for 
the actors. It may be added, further, that it was entirely ap- 
propriate that the part of the orchestra that was occupied by 
the senators, who were spectators, should be distinct from the 
part that was occupied by the actors. 

Thus, the mistakes of Vitruvius are endegicod: He saw 

ΣΑΣ Σ _ the Roman stage, and, in its rear, the prosceni- 
ews drew B'S um columns twelve feet high with a platform 
ing a Greek stage, ontop ofthem. He assumed, therefore, that in 
seats: Koman the fifth century also the actors performed ona 

stage; but he remembered that in the fifth cen- 
tury there was a chorus. Accordingly, he assumed that the | 
actors stood on the roof of the proscenium, and to this roof he 
gave the name by which the stage of his own day was desig- 
nated—hecalled it the Auy<iov; while the facts are seen to be that 
the actors both of the fifth century and of the time of Vitruvius 
stood on the same spot,.that in front of the proscenium. 

There has been quoted above! a passage from Suidas, which 

may be taken as a correct description of a 
The description § _ Roman theatre of the timeof Vitruvius. Suidas 
of a Roman ᾿ . . 
ἐπάλνος mentions first the σχηνή which is here called the 

center door (in the proscenium), and is men- 
tioned first, perhaps, because it was the most prominent object 
before the eyes of the spectator. On both sides of the σχηνή are 
the παρασχήνια, After these comes the orchestra, which he might 
have called by its new name of λυγεῖον. At this place, he says, 
the actors contend. The next object named after the orchestra 
is the altar of Dionysus; and, finally, is mentioned the part 
most remote from the stage, the χυνίστρα. 

The words of the scholiast in the introduction tothe Clouds 
es noe are a further confirmation of the belief that the 
Ar the bch olinet half of the orchestra of the fifth century which 
ΟΝ algarhabsics was more remote from the spectators became 

the λογεῖον of the Roman theatre. The words are: 


1 Page 82. 


THE STAGE | 151 


ἂν τῇ ὀρχήστρᾳ τῷ νῦν λεγομένῳ λυγείῳ. The words are correctly ex- 
plained by Isidor, Origg. 18, 43: pulpitus, qui pulpitus orches- 
tra vocabatur, and 44: orchestra autem pulpitus erat. 


g4 τοις Ὅν 
ae 


CHAPTER I 


THE GENESIS AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE CHORUS 


$1. 
$2.. 


$3. 


$4. 


CONTENTS 


The Divisions of Greek Poetry: 


Singing by Individuals in Homer: 
‘The Song of Calypso 
The Song of Circe 
The Song of Achilles 
Character of these songs 


Early Meanings of the Word χορός: 
χορός signifying place. ; 3 
χορός where the idea of dancing is prominent 


; Adornment at the dance. 4 
χορός transferred to the dancer 


Choral iverciaae in Homer and in Hesiod: 
THE P#AN: Sung when in Homer 
The Pzanin lliadI. 
The Pzean in Iliad X XII 
No dancing in the Homeric Pan 
The Pzean in later times . 
Metrical form of the Homeric Pai ν᾿ 
THE THRENOS: Defined 
Early cultivation of the Wistaaae: 
The Linus-song: 
The three characters of ine: 
An extant Linus-song = 
Connected with the death of the seasons. 
Hesiod says concerning the Linus-song 
The Linus-song in Homer 
Characteristics of 
The Threnos in the Iliad 
Characteristics of : 
The Threnos in the Cassese” 
Metrical form of the Threnos ς 
Later history of the Threnos : 
THE HYMEN2uUS: The Hymenzus in the Iliad 
The Hymenzus in Hesiod " 
The Hymenezus in later writers . ῳ 
THE HyPORCHEME: The Hyporcheme in the Iliad 
The Hyporcheme in the Hymnto Apollo . 
The Hyporcheme in the Odyssey 
The Hyporcheme defined 
Popularity of the Hyporcheme 
Its antiquity 
Its chief characteristics 
PARTHENIA IN HOMER 
The instance in the Tiad 
RESPONSIVE SINGING IN THE ILIAD 
SUMMARY OF CHORAL FORMS IN HOMER AND IN cuss 


(153) 


PAGE 


21 


154. 


$5. 


$7. 


89. 


THE ATTIC STAGE OF THE FIFTH CENTURY 


The Divisions of Lyric Poetry: 


Lyric poetry includes only melic . 
The elegiac and the iambic called ἔπη 
Melic poetry divided into two schools 
The distinctions between them 


T he Cultivation of Greek Music: 


The tetrachord 
Terpander 
Olympus 
Thaletas 


Choral Exercises of the AZolic School of Poets: 


SAPPHO: Songs for a single voice 
Songs tor choruses 
ANACREON’ His character 
His songs for choruses 
ALC2us: Nochoral poetry . 


Choral Exercises of the Doric School of Poets: 
Further development of the chorus 


THE STROPHE: In choral poetry 
Its origin 
In elegiac poetry 
The melic; the Doric 
Melic strophe described 
The Doric strophe described 
The epode 
Origin of ἀν ἀξεδιδίς socket 


ALCMAN: His contemporaries 
His predecessors 
His excellence 
He celebrated secular occasions 
His parthenia 5 
Features of his choruses . 
His other compositions for ghorunes : 
His metres 
Remaining choral poets ae at caries 


STESICHORUS: His originality 
Size of his chorus 
The epode 
His epico-lyric hymns 
IBpycus: He belongs to two schools. 
His love songs 
These produced on ΥΜΑΦΝ occasions 
Remaining masters of choral poetry: 
Add no new elements 
The hymn of Stesichorus 
Lyric poets compose for pay 
Bacchylides . 
Pindar 
Timocreon 


The Worship of Dionysus: 


A new kind of poetry needed 
Why the dithyramb was popular 


THE GENESIS AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE CHORUS 
$9. The Worship of Dionysus (Concluded): 


Why the dithyramb was capable of dramatic development: 


(1) Opportunities for forming plots 
(2) Opportunities for assuming characters 


$10. The Dithyramb of Arion: 
Cultivated at Corinth 
Ἀκῖ να 5 chorus 
-The ἐξάρχων 
The musical geconi pasikinant: 
The size of the chorus 


$14. The Development of Tragedy from the Dithy mare 
The extension of the part of the ἐξάρχων 
The extension of subjects 
The dithyramb at Athens becomes tracey 
The final step the addition of the actor 


$12. The Further Development of Tragedy: 

The chorus of Thespis 

The chorus of Phrynichus 

The chorus of Cheerilus . 

Pratinas and the satyr-drama 

Characteristics of the satyr-drama 

ZESCHYLUS: Shortened the choral odes 
Added a second actor 4 

SopHocLeEs: Added a third actor 
Shortened the choral odes 

EURIPIDES: Shortened the choral odes 

Decline of the chorus asa ἘΜῈ element . 

The ideal chorus 


155 


30 


37 


$13. The Subsequent Cultivation of the Bscerenab: and of Lyric Poetry: 


The dithyramb continued in Doric states 
The ‘Attic’ dithyramb 
The decline of lyric poetry 


CHAPTER II 


THE EXTERNAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE CHORUS 


CONTENTS 
$1 The Number of the Choreutae: PAGE 
The tragic chorus of fifteen: the comic chorus of twenty-four 40 
Sophocles the first to use a tragic chorus of fiftcen ee 40 
The tragic chorus of fourteen > : 5 41 
The tragic chorus of filty; 41 
Was the innovation of Sophocies adouied by Aischylus? > 42 
The tragic chorus of forty-eight . Ὰ » ἰ 43 
The changes in the size of the chorus . . 3 44 
$2 The Position of the Choreutae: 

At its entrance the chorus BEEseoied its let side to the ates 
tors ε 45 
The entrance sometimes iy the eaaters parodos- 45 
The parts of the chorus . : A 46 
The entrance called χατὰ στυίχουν, χαξὰ ξυγά z 46 
Diagram of a chorus entering χατὰ στυΐχους i ‘ 46 
Diagram ofachorus entering χατὰ ζυγά. ; 47 
The χατὰ στοίχουυς formation common _ . 47 
Position of the chorus after reaching the drcanten : 47 

Position of the left file when the chorus entered bd the east- 
ern parodos : 48 

Position of the. chorus during the dialogue, and during 
the stasima . 49 
Exit of the chorus at the οἰδϑε of, re dushie? the hae 49 
Lines in the orchestra ‘ : : ; 50 
‘Aptyoptor, διχορία ὃ. Ρ : : os 
‘Position of the coryphzeus in a chorus of fifteen 5 δ1 

Position of the coryphzeus in a chorus of twelve . 51. 


$3 The names of the Choreute2: 


Their names derived from their Pesene : : 52 
The titles of the corvyphzus % > : : 53 
The choregus as corypheus . 53 
The poet as trainer; the choregas, the ὁποδιδάσχαλος, 
as coryphzus . Ξ : 53 
The skill of the choreutz varied i in different files ; 54 
$4 A Secondary Chorus. 
Παραχορήγημα; παρασχήντον j ; . Be 
Passages in which occurs the word Tapayupyyqud . 55 
Examples of 7a4pa7z OPUYT | μάτω, and of παρασχήντα 4 55. 
$5 The Choregus: 
The appointment of the choregus : " 5 55 
The duties of the choregus 7 : Mortars 2) 4 
The expenses of the choregus ᾿ ΤῊΝ x 57 
Minor details concerning the choregus . ; os 
The decline of the choregia . . - 59 


(156) 


THE EXTERNAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE CHORUS 


$6 The Delivery of the Choral Parts: 


The parodoi 

The stasima 

Shorter songs of the ἙΝ οῖς Ciena 

Words spoken by the coryphzus 

Commoi 

The delivery of the ee in eka ick doubtful nbicdbhen 
The parabasis 


$7 The Costume of the Choreute: 
The costume of the choreutz in tragedy . 
The costume of the choreutz in comedy | 
The costume of the choreutz in the satyric drama 


CHAPTER III 
THE STAGE 


CONTENTS 


$1 Alleged Evidence in Favor of the Stage: 
Thestatements of Vitruvius 22d Pollux concerning theGreek . 
stage 70 


Five passages from Nort abeseeh pare arnat as etidenbe of a 
stage i ; 5 . 71 
The scholium on the Knights : A ἐν 72 
The explanation of δια. . - 72 
The interpretation of the two achiotla δι 72 
ἀναβαίνε: ν in the passage from the Knights as really 
no force ; 73 
χαταβαίνειν in the fourth passage is ἩΔΡΗ͂ metanhndinls 
ly - ς ; Ἶ 73 
ἀνα-χατα-βαίνειν in other writers. 73 
The commands in the five passages are to Acasa whe 
have just entered : > 73 
The five passages furnish no evidence ofa: stage τ 74 


A passage in the Birds claimed to supply evidence ofa stage 74 
A passage in the patel ob be claimed to wong evidence of 


a stage ‘ 74 
A passage in the be cows (285. ) chained to EE evidehen 
of a stage 75 


A passage in the Peace palmed Gio aap eviifence ofa steaks 75 
Passages in which it is claimed that the chorus withdrew 


close to the wall of the stage: 76 

‘(1) Choephori, 872ff. 5 : ; ἢ 76 

(2) Hercules Furens, 1081ff. ᾿ Ἢ 5 of de 6 

(3) Ecclesiazusz, 496ff. Ἢ ; , : ΤᾺ 

(4) Acharnians, 239f. . 77 
The entrance of the chorus into the palane prevented i 78 
The passage in Plato’s Symposium . 79 


The stone border would not have interfered w vith free δα 80 


No difficulty in distinguishing actors ee chorus, if all were 
in the orchestra together ; 50 


Need of a shallow stage claimed : - Ξ 80 
$2. The Thymele: 


The difficulties presented by a high stage avoided ay assum- 


ing a platform for the chorus ξ 51 
A passage quoted ‘by Wieseler and Hermann as ev ‘senne: of 
a platform . : 5 52 
The arguments drawn from this passage 82 
Passages quoted By Muller as showing ἐφ νος of a plage 
form 82 
None of these passages apply erideute ofa pl ἀὐτονιά,. ; 84 
Positive evidence against the existence of a platform: 84. 
(1) It would have ixterfered with the dithrrambic 
contests . j 54. 
(2) No traces of such a a pinto remain - 84 


(3) The circle on the floor of the orchestra at Bpidadew 84 
(158) 


THE STAGE 5 159 


§2 The Thymele: (Concluded.) 


(4) The ornamented columns of the proscenium . 84 
(5) The exit of the chorus at the close of many plays 85 
; (6) The view of the occupants of the front thronoi . 55 
The occupants of the front thronoi 86 
(7) The steps at Eretria, and elsewhere : 87 
(8) A low stage would have been preferred to a high 
stage and a platform ᾿ 87 


$3 The Steps; the Distegia: 


If there was passing between orchestra and Stage, steps 


were needed . 88 
No traces of such steps remain . . 88 
Steps would have prevented free action of the chores” 88 
The vase-paintings in Magna Grecia ᾿ς ᾿ ; 89 
The depth of the distegia . 89 
Had the actors stood on a stage, many of ‘th G/SDz cators 

would have had but a poor view of them. : 90 


$4 Archxological Investigations: 


Three sources of information ; : > 90 
The ancient Orchestra; other ruins ; 91 
The stage buildings and cavea ORs to the same a iod of 
construction 92 
The proscenium more recent thas ite stage butidivgs. Ν 99 
The columns of the proscenium; the doors. ᾿ 98 
No fixed type of stage-buildings in early times . : 93 


$5 Evidence Against a Stage from the Extant Plays: 


ZEschylus: 
Supplices : 3 i . ? 94. 
Persae ‘ : - = Σ 95 
Seven against The ben ; : , : 97 
Prometheus Vinctus Ἶ , - : 97 
Agamemnon = . τ x δ 99 
Choephori . é : 5 Α . 100 
Eumenides : F Ἶ : 100 
Sophocles: 
Ajax 2 : . τ : re SOF 
Antigone 2 ; ἢ . ς 103 
Electra ; . ¢ 5 ; iOS 
(Edipus Tyrannus ὃ ‘ : : 104. 
CEdipus Coloneus. ; , : ram ces α Το. 
Philoctetes : ; ; ξ Ρ̓ 106 
Trachinix . ; : é : ye eit Εν 

Euripides: 

Alcestis . ; ᾿ : ; ‘ 108 
Medea : ν ; : : i LOS 
Hippolytus ‘ ‘ : ς ; 109 
Andromache ‘ - ‘ ; meas He 18 
Heracleidz : j ᾿ ἢ ἵ 1:1 
Supplices a ran ς ᾿ τε Ὁ. 
Hecuba . tae Σ q : é 112 
Hercules Furens i : , p ; gk ek 
Ton : . J ὦ ᾿ 114. 
Troades ᾿ : 5 : . te AES 
Helena . : Σ A . 116 


Iphigenia in λα - 3 : ; yer ee 


100 THE ATTIC 


YR 
σι 
As 


STAGE OF THE FIFTH CENTURY 


vidence against a stage from the Extant Plays: (Concluded.) 


Euripides: (Concluded.) 
Electra 
Orestes 
Phoenissz : 
Iphigenia in Aulis 
Bacche . 
Rhesus 
Cyclops . 
Aristophanes: 
Acharnians . 
Knights . 
Clouds 
Wasps 
Peace 
Birds 
Lysistrata 
Thesmophoriazusz 
Frogs 
Ecclesiazusz 
Plutus 


86 Evidence Against a Stage from Certain Facts coma with 
Entrance of Actors and of Choruses: 


All actors entered into the orchestra either by a DATONG: 
or directly from the palace in the background 


Four aspects of the entrance considered : 


(1) 


(2) 


(3) 


Instances where choruses announce pees. ners 
ors 
Average number of verses spoken τος actor i is oa 
proaching 
The time required for walking half way across ine 
stage 


Actors actually seen 


Actors probably not just ἘΠ ἜΜΕΝ to waives ‘on the 
stage from door in nights when first seen by 
the choruses: 


Conversations not carried on in the presence of the 
in-coming actors 


The actor when first seen was without the stage. 
buildings 


The actor when first seen stan’ in tie parodos, and 
approaching the orchestra 


This view explains various facts 
Instances where actors announce in-coming askew 
This class resembles the preceding class 


Actors not about to enter on the stage when ane 
seen. 


Actors may have: been waving in pewaadc cutie 


Actors fail to observe other actors; stg address 
chorus first 


_ Choruses oftener than neko announce approach 


ot in-coming actors 


Instances where actors announce iced cho- 


ruses 
An added Sineeet in this Staats 

The entrance of the chorus in the Pudsnians 
The entrance of the chorus in the G2d. Col 


Antigone probably was not looking bil. into 
the parodos from the stage 


THE STAGE 101 


_ §6 Evidence against a Stage from Certain Facts Connected with the 
Entrance of Actors and of Choruses: (Concluded.) 


(3) Instances where actors announce in-coming cho- 
ruses: (Concluded): 


In this class the actor probably in the orchestra 139 
(4) Instances where actors come from the palace « 139 

If the actor came on the stage he was in his posi- 
tion soon after being seen 139 

The actor in this class was i sb seen approach: 
ἴῃ». 140 

The time needed ὋΝ him τὸ reach his position, if this 
was on the stage 140 

A longer time consumed if ἐξ ἐἸΕΡ σένα into the or- 
chestra F 140 

In a few instances nobus are present soon ἀδεὲς 
being seen 140 

In a few instances an Matiea wile soars time is con- 
sumed 5 141 

In the plays of Bhakeativate Ἔα are pienent soon 
after being seen . 141 


Acomparison of Shakespeare with the ‘Gyeek doanaas 
tists shows that in the former the actors had a 


shorter distance to pass over ξ . 141 
: Titus Andronicus—Alcestis ὃ A 141 
Titus Andronicus—Hippolytus : i 442 
Antony and Cleopatra— Helena é .. DAZ 
Additional examples from Shakespeare ξ 143 
The inference to be drawn from the comparison 144 
Actors that entered un-announced : ᾿ 144 
The entrance of actors a pleasing feature . 144 
$7 Summary of Chapter III. . Ξ ; : ; 145 
§s The Mistakes of Vitruvius: 
Vitruvius states that the actors stood on a stage . 148 
Some historical facts relating tothe theatre. 148 
The positions of chorus, eee one and L σκηνη i in the 
V. century ᾿ 149 
The lowering of orchestra in "homan Aicise : ~ 249 
The above test as applied to certain theatres 149 
The assumption that the orchestra was divided Makes clear 
various facts δ 14.9 
Vitruvius drew his inferences concerning Berek stage front 
the Roman stage ς 150 
The description of a Roman kicnkte : 150 


The words of the scholiast in the has tg Shake to hecibads 150 


Fm 


᾿ αἷς 
fal, 
Rayne 


δ. ee 
δὲ 


THIS BOOK IS DUE ON THE LAST DATE 
STAMPED BELOW 
not returned “ΡΣ. time are subject to a fine of 
vag ae after . 
<0 ΤῊΣ per volume r the day. 
may be renewed. if application is made before 


ps air ag of lant 


oe fs 


bees 
tM 


